The Motivation To Abduct

Studies have found that some abductors are motivated to abduct their child from the other parent in an effort to force a reconciliation or to continue interaction with the left-behind parent (Agopian, 1981; Sagatun and Barrett, 1990). In other instances, Agopian (1981) and Sagatun and Barrett (1990) found that abductors may have a desire to blame, spite, or punish the other parent. Abducting parents (particularly fathers) may fear losing legal custody or visitation rights, thereby facing a diminished parenting role with their child. Janvier, McCormick, and Donaldson (1990) and Sagatun and Barrett (1990) have also identified this as a motivation for abduction. In extreme cases, the abduction may be a result of the abductor’s paranoid delusions and personality disorders (Agopian, 1984; Johnston, 1994; Sagatun and Barrett, 1990) or total disregard for the law (Blomquist, 1992; Kiser, 1987).

The motivation to abduct may also be an attempt to protect the child from a parent who is perceived to molest, abuse, or neglect the child, and in some cases, this may be a legitimate concern (Agopian, 1981; Sagatun and Barrett, 1990). Some abductors fear that the authorities may not take their concerns seriously (Sagatun-Edwards, 1996). In research conducted by the American Prosecutors Research Institute (APRI), prosecutors who were surveyed reported that abducting parents made allegations of child abuse in 27 percent of parental abduction cases. In most cases, these allegations were made against the left-behind parent. In 17 percent of cases, both the abducting and left-behind parent made allegations of abuse (Klain, 1995). The numbers are similar for allegations of domestic violence. About one-quarter of the cases involved allegations of domestic violence against the abductor, and another one-quarter involved allegations against the left-behind parent. About 11 percent involved allegations by both parents. Overall, 30 percent of the cases involved allegations of both child abuse and domestic violence (Klain, 1995).

Risk Factors for Abduction

Johnston (1994) and Sagatun-Edwards (1996) conducted research to identify factors that indicate the conditions under which children may be at risk of parental abduction. The study compared 50 families in which children had been abducted with 57 families that were undergoing very contentious divorce and custody disputes involving high levels of litigation. The study was conducted in two urban California counties.

Their findings indicated that many abductors share characteristics such as having low socioeconomic status (including unemployment), being young parents (many never having been married), and having young children. In addition, many abductors had prior criminal arrest records (Sagatun-Edwards, 1996). Combinations of these social factors were found to increase the risk of parental abduction (Sagatun-Edwards, 1996).

In this study, researchers found that an abduction was more likely to occur if the abductor had no financial or emotional ties to the geographic area from which the child was taken and/or if the abductor had the resources, such as liquidated assets and help from others, to hide from the left-behind parent or law enforcement. Having financial or emotional support in and connections to another country (often the abductor’s native country) also increased the risk of abduction. Some abductors took children because of concerns about abuse or neglect, whether or not those concerns were valid. The act of abduction was an attempt to “rescue” the child from the other parent (Johnston, 1994).

Plass, Finkelhor, and Hotaling (1997) used data drawn from NISMART’s national sample to identify demographic and family characteristics that appear to have a bearing on whether or not a risk of parental abduction exists. The study found an increased risk of abduction in families with white children, younger children (under 5 years old), or a history of violence between adults in the household. Larger family size (i.e., families with three or more children) was associated with a decreased risk of parental abduction. Although many potentially important psychological characteristics may also be predictors of parental abduction, this study focused specifically on sociological characteristics. Perhaps one of the most important findings of this study is the great similarity in the risk factors identified for both types of parental abduction (i.e., broad scope and policy focal). The authors point out that this study provides “clear evidence that there may be some consistency in the etiology of all kinds of [parental] abductions, and that measures aimed at preventing or controlling very alarming events (such as those which come to the attention of official agencies of some type) may also be effective in helping families who experience less dangerous, but still alarming, abductions” (Plass, Finkelhor, and Hotaling, 1997:347).

Greif and Hegar (1993); Hatcher, Barton, and Brooks (1993); and Kiser (1987) all found that domestic violence was reported in more than half of the parental abduction cases they studied. Greif and Hegar (1993) found that about 75 percent of male abductors and 25 percent of female abductors had exhibited violent behavior in the past. Janvier, McCormick, and Donaldson (1990) found that child abuse perpetrated by the abducting parent was reported to have occurred in as many as 66 percent of the domestic cases and in about 23 percent of the international cases they studied. However, despite this seemingly high level of family violence, it may not be a clear factor in assessing the risk of abduction. Johnston’s (1994) study found that the level of domestic violence was not significantly different for families who were involved in parental abduction and families involved in contentious levels of custody litigation.