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Summary and Conclusions In urban samples with poor and ethnically diverse youth, many family transitions were evident throughout adolescence. In addition, many other youth experienced family transitions at earlier ages. Using the Pittsburgh data, Stouthamer-Loeber (1993) showed that 67 percent of the sample had experienced at least one family transition between birth and age 15—a high level of family disruption. Overall, the data reported here indicate a consistent relationship between a greater number of family transitions and a higher level of delinquency and drug use. The magnitude of the differences between youth with no family transitions and those with many family transitions was similar across the three cities, and the relationships were statistically significant in Rochester and Denver. These results suggest that multiple family transitions are a risk factor for delinquency. These findings have implications for the prevention and treatment of delinquency and drug use. As indicated, family transitions may have a number of consequences for adolescent adjustment. For example, adolescents who experience ongoing stress may have difficulty managing anger and other negative emotions, and this may contribute to their involvement with delinquency or drugs. Little is known about the relationships among these factors, but this suggests the need for further research on assessment, screening, and treatment needs in this population of youth. On a societal level, there is evidence that economic hardship and lack of access to opportunity and resources undermine marital and parental functioning and that poverty has had a particularly adverse impact on the initiation and stability of marriages among families of color (McLoyd, 1990; Wilson, 1987). The welfare system may also discourage marriage because of concerns about benefits (Moffitt, 1995). A range of outcomes is possible for adolescents who experience family transitions. Additional information is needed on children who thrive despite several changes in family circumstances; it is important to focus on the potential for resilience among these children. It is evident that some family separations reduce conflict and stress. For example, overt marital conflict may be greatly distressing to children; the stress may be reduced when the partners separate from one another. In addition, some members of the extended family (such as a concerned stepparent or grandparent) who become more involved in an adolescent's life can provide additional nurturing or other resources, such as financial help, that offset the impact of the transition. Research on the aftermath of conflict and divorce suggests a number of protective factors, including academic and social competence and structured school environments, that can promote resilience in adolescents who experience family transitions (Hetherington, 1993). Further research will illuminate other areas for policy and intervention.
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