Reporting Property Crimes

Property crimes against juveniles are rarely reported to the police (figure 4), and this is especially true for larceny/thefts, only 11 percent of which are so reported (less than one-third the reporting level for adult larceny/thefts). Police reporting for burglary and robbery against juveniles is more common, but less than 50 percent of these crimes are reported to police, well below the levels for adult victimization. However, a considerable number of juvenile property crimes are reported to other authorities, presumably mostly school officials. Thus, for larceny/theft, total reporting rates to all sources, including school officials, is not that much lower for juveniles than for adults.

Figure 4: Property Crime Reporting, by Juvenile or Adult Victim

Figure 5: Reporting Property Crimes Against Juveniles, by Victim Age

Police reporting does vary somewhat by age (figure 5), with younger adolescents even less likely than older adolescents to report property victimization to the police. By contrast, younger adolescents are more likely than older adolescents to report these incidents to school authorities.

Table 7: Reporting of Juvenile Property Victimizations to PoliceBoys are somewhat more likely to make police reports about property crimes than girls (15 percent vs. 10 percent). This difference is explained by two factors: boys are more likely than girls to report thefts (difference significant at p=0.05), and boys are more likely than girls to experience robberies and burglaries, crimes that are reported to a greater extent than thefts.

There are some regional differences in the reporting of juvenile property crime, with Midwesterners being most likely to report and Westerners least likely (table 7). The relation between the value of items and the likelihood of reporting is strong and obvious.

Figure 6: Self-Reports (NCVS)vs. Police Reports (NIBRS) of Property Crimes, by Victim Age GroupBicycles and motor vehicle parts are the items juveniles are most likely to report to police, by a wide margin (table 8). Clothing and luggage are items for which the underreporting to police is greatest. Wallets, purses, toys and recreational equipment, electronic and photo gear, and jewelry, watches, and keys are reported to police about as frequently as anything else, which is not that frequently. Making police reports primarily for bicycles and motor vehicle parts seems only in part a function of their value or insurance concerns (electronic equipment is valuable and no less insured than bicycles). It may also result from the perception that the domain of police is the streets and highways, places where vehicles and vehicle parts are likely to be encountered. That is, police are perceived as being better able to aid in the recovery of these as opposed to other items. A multivariate analysis of the NCVS data shows that a bicycle was 457 percent more likely to be reported to police than another item of similar value, but only among juveniles. Among adults, bicycle theft was just 31 percent more likely to be reported than other items.

The underreporting of juvenile victimizations to police means that police records show a substantially lower percentage of juvenile victims than is reflected in the self-report data from NCVS (figure 6). Thus, 12- to 17-year-old juveniles account for 14 percent of the property crimes reported to NCVS but 6 percent of the victimizations known to police in the NIBRS tabulations. Another 1 percent of property crime victimizations (excluding vandalism) in the NIBRS data is associated with juveniles under age 12. Interestingly, 80 percent of the NIBRS reports for property crimes against juveniles under 12 are for bicycle thefts, additionally illustrating that juveniles perceive bicycle theft, unlike many other property crimes, as uniquely worth reporting to police.

Table 8: Juvenile Property Victimizations Reported to Police, by Type of Item Stolen

Victim Identity in Juvenile Property Crime

One of the problems in discussing property crimes, as opposed to violent crimes, is in defining the victim. Property crime, with the exception of robbery and personal larceny, is treated as a household crime in the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), an approach that considers the entire household to be victimized, obscuring individual characteristics. The analysis in this Bulletin takes a different approach and treats all property crimes as personal crimes, distinguishing juvenile victims from adult victims even within the same household. At least two features of juvenile property crimes support doing this. First, most larcenies—the most common property crime reported to NCVS, a major data source for this analysis—actually occur away from home. Second, most larcenies reported to NCVS involve only the respondent’s property.

The approach used in this Bulletin is to treat all property crimes as personal crimes, using property ownership information to identify specific individual victims. In the case of NCVS data, incidents that involve a respondent’s own property are treated as personal crimes against the respondent. Ownership attributions made to NCVS by respondents do not necessarily conform to a strict legal definition of ownership but reflect their personal views. However, such opinions about ownership probably represent the best picture of the links between persons and property that prevail within a household.

In collecting information about property crimes, NCVS also asks individuals about thefts occurring to other people within the household. In order to clearly distinguish among individual victims, only cases where respondents said their own property was involved (including cases where their own and other people’s property were involved in the same episode) are counted and compared in this analysis. For tallies of the characteristics of individual stolen items (rather than crime incidents)—as provided, for example, in tables 3, 4, and 8—the analysis needed even greater specificity and relied strictly on incidents involving the respondent’s property alone. Also, use of ownership attributions limits the comparison of burglaries to only those incidents that included theft in addition to illegal entry.

Of course, for some items, like a television or car, the identified owner may not be the only person affected or the person most seriously affected by the loss or destruction of the property—for example, when the stolen property was used primarily by a juvenile. Because much property that is used extensively or even exclusively by juveniles (including homes, vehicles, and electronic and play equipment) is legally owned by adults, victimization data based on ownership attributions as opposed to usage patterns probably understate the impact of property victimization on juveniles.

Data on property crimes included in the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), the other major data source used in this analysis, are organized differently. Incidents are those reported to police, and their descriptions reflect both the nature of police reports and NIBRS protocols. For example, property crimes are classified by type of victim, which can be an individual, a business, a financial institution, the Government, a religious organization, or society. For this study, only crimes against individuals are included because in these incidents the police have identified and described specific persons as victims. Once again, to avoid attributions to multiple owners, tallies of the characteristics of stolen or vandalized items are based only on incidents that involve a single victim. This is because property items in NIBRS are reported collectively by incident, not by each individual victim involved.



Estimated Juvenile Property Victimizations Known to Police

Both NCVS and NIBRS suggest that the total number of juvenile (ages 12–17) property victimizations known to police is between 400,000 and 500,000. To allow a comparison of the data sets, juvenile victimizations are limited to the major property crimes of larceny, robbery, and burglary, which are defined and recorded similarly by both systems (vandalism, which is not, is excluded). Furthermore, to confine the comparison to incidents clearly affecting specific individuals, property victimizations tallied from NCVS include only those that exclusively involved a juvenile respondent’s own property.

Given these limiting conditions, the combined 1996 and 1997 NCVS sample provides a 1-year average weighted estimate of 491,249 juvenile property victimizations known to police.

The 1997 NIBRS data set, representing police reports from jurisdictions in 12 States, identifies 26,900 equivalent juvenile property victimizations. SEARCH, the National Consortium for Justice Information and Statistics, which assists the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in its planning and implementation of NIBRS, estimates that its 1997 records represented about 6 percent of the Nation’s crime. If offenses reported to NIBRS are somewhat representative of crimes occurring in nonreporting jurisdictions, then the NIBRS count just noted suggests that nationally a total of about 448,300 juvenile property victimizations were reported to police in 1997.

Estimates for more detailed offense categories show overall similarities, with the greatest difference appearing for robberies:
 
NCVSNIBRS
Larceny estimates370,685379,000
Burglary estimates  41,004   38,700
Robbery estimates  79,560   30,600

The underrepresentation of robbery in the NIBRS data may reflect the lack of large urban centers among the reporting jurisdictions. Although NIBRS data do not reflect a national sample of police reports, NIBRS tallies of juvenile property victimizations are generally congruent with those of NCVS, which is a national statistical sample.



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Juvenile Victims of Property Crimes Juvenile Justice Bulletin December 2000