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Introduction
This Bulletin is part of OJJDP's
Juvenile Accountability Incentive Block Grants (JAIBG) Best Practices Series. The
basic premise underlying the JAIBG program, initially funded in fiscal year 1998, is
that young people who violate the law need to be held accountable for their offenses if society
is to improve the quality of life in the Nation's communities. Holding a juvenile
offender "accountable" in the juvenile justice
system means that once the juvenile is determined to have committed law-violating
behavior, by admission or adjudication, he or she
is held responsible for the act through consequences or sanctions, imposed pursuant
to law, that are proportionate to the offense. Consequences or sanctions that are
applied swiftly, surely, and consistently, and are graduated to provide appropriate and
effective responses to varying levels of offense seriousness and offender chronicity,
work best in preventing, controlling, and reducing further law violations.
In an effort to help States and units of local government develop programs in the 12
purpose areas established for JAIBG funding, Bulletins in this series are designed to
present the most up-to-date knowledge to juvenile justice policymakers, researchers, and
practitioners about programs and approaches that
hold juvenile offenders accountable for
their behavior. An indepth description of the JAIBG program and a list of the 12
program purpose areas appear in the overview
Bulletin for this series.
While overall violent crime decreased between 1985 and 1994, according to
both the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI's) Uniform Crime Reports and
victimization surveys, the number of juveniles arrested for serious crimes
increased (Bishop, 1997). In the same time period,
juvenile courts experienced disproportionate increases in cases involving
violent offenses and weapons. Cases involving crimes against persons were up 93
percent, Violent Crime Index offenses (a subset of person offenses) were up 98 percent,
and weapons law violations were up 156 percent (Snyder, Sickmund, and
Poe-Yamagata, 1996). Drug and public order offenses
also saw large increases. In 1995, a drop in these disturbing trends was recorded,
a trend that continued through 1996 and 1997. Nevertheless, public attitudes
continue to reflect heightened concerns about the rise in juvenile crime that began in
the mid-1980's. These concerns were fueled by a few criminologists who predicted
a coming generation of "superpredators"
based on the decade-long growth
in serious and violent juvenile crime arrests and the fact that, by the
year 2005, the number of teens ages 1417 will be 20 percent above the
1994 level (Chaiken, 1997).
Juvenile justice policy continues to change in response to the same
phenomena. Historically, juvenile court dispositions were based on
children's best interests (Platt, 1977; Rothman, 1980). Thus, sentences were
indeterminate, because the length of time required for rehabilitation varies
with each youth. Within the past decade, however, many States have
adopted mandatory sentencing schemes or developed strict sentencing
guidelines. Although indeterminate sentences have not been eliminated
completely, one-third of all juvenile court
sentencing statutes now include mandatory statutes or sentencing
guidelines (Torbet and Szymanski, 1998).
Many States have also modified the purpose clauses or mission
statements in their juvenile codes, which outline the philosophy
underlying the code (Feld, 1988, 1991, 1992). Originally, many clauses focused
on juveniles' emotional and physical well-being, on maintaining their
ties with the community, and, if they were removed from their homes,
on giving care and discipline equivalent to that of the parents. Since 1992,
90 percent of laws concerning juvenile crime have been revised, many
times in response to the belief that serious and violent juvenile offenders
must be held more accountable for their actions (Torbet et al., 1996). In
1997, of the 50 State juvenile code purpose
clauses,1 9 focused exclusively on punishment;
9 focused on prevention, diversion, and treatment;
and 32 focused on both. Recent changes in State laws -- addressing issues such
as jurisdictional and sentencing authority,
confidentiality in the juvenile
court, and victims' rights -- reflect the growing public concern about
youth crime.
The Juvenile Accountability Incentive Block Grants (JAIBG) program
also isa response to juvenile crime trends of the decade from 1985 to 1994
and the many changes in juvenile justice policies over that time. As outlined
in more detail in the Juvenile Accountability Incentive Block Grants Program
Guidance Manual (Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention,
1998, 1999b), JAIBG funds are available to address 12 program purpose areas
designed to promote greater accountability of juveniles in the juvenile
justice system. Three of the twelve purpose areas focus on enhancing local
prosecutors' abilities to address juvenile
crime.2 This Bulletin focuses on Purpose
Area 5, which provides funding to enable prosecutors to address
drug, gang, and youth violence problems more effectively. Prosecutors are
experiencing heavy caseloads in all three of these crime categories and are
increasingly looking for more comprehensive approaches to tackling these problems.
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1 Arizona is included in this total, even though
its philosophy is addressed in case law, not in the
State's juvenile code or statute (Snyder and Sickmund, 1999).
2 Purpose Areas 4 and 6, which focus on (1)
hiring additional prosecutors and (2) providing funding
for technology, equipment, and training, respectively,
are addressed in another Bulletin in this
series, Enhancing Prosecutors' Ability To Combat and Prevent Juvenile
Crime in Their Jurisdictions (Gramckow and Tompkins,
1999).
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| Enabling Prosecutors To Address Drug, Gang, and Youth Violence |
JAIBG Bulletin
· December 1999
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