MENU TITLE: Three Strikes and You're Out: A Review of State Legislation. MENU TITLE: Three Strikes and You're Out: A Review of State Legislation Series: NIJ Research in Brief Published: September 1997 20 pages 39,472 bytes U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs National Institute of Justice Figures, charts, forms, and tables are not included in this ASCII plain-text file. To view this document in its entirety, download the Adobe Acrobat graphic file available from this Web site or order a print copy from NCJRS at 800-851-3420. Research in Brief Jeremy Travis, Director September 1997 ---------------------------------- Issues and Findings Discussed in this Brief: "Three strikes" laws enacted in Washington and California and their impact, provisions of three-strikes laws newly enacted in 24 States, and a comparison of the 24 new laws to preexisting repeat offender sentencing provisions. Key issues: Between 1993 and 1995, 24 States and the Federal Government added three-strikes legislation to already existing laws that enhanced sentencing for repeat offenders. The rapid expansion of such laws reflects the perception that existing laws were not sufficiently protective of public safety in their application and/or outcome, that new laws were needed to address exceptional incidents that had occurred, or that the intent of current laws was being frustrated by other factors. Key findings: Effects of three-strikes laws in California and Washington included the following: o Planners in Washington expected that between 40 and 75 persons would fall under three-strikes provisions each year. However, more than 3 years after the law took effect, only 85 offenders have been admitted to the State prison system under these statutes. o California's prison system has admitted a far larger number of "strikes" offenders (over 26,000 as of December 1996) than has any other State's since April 1994, although those admissions are fewer than originally projected. o The vast majority of California "strikes" inmates have been sentenced under the two-strikes provision and for nonviolent crimes; all but one of the Washington "strikes" inmates have been sentenced for crimes against persons. A review of the three- strikes laws passed in the 24 States shows that: o States have authorized--or in some instances, mandated--longer periods of incarceration for those convicted of violent crimes. o What constitutes a strike and under what conditions varies between States. There are, however, some constants--violent felonies such as murder, rape, and carjacking are typically included as strikeable offenses. o There are variations in the number of strikes needed to be "out." In 20 States three strikes are required. In one State a person is sentenced to life without parole for a second strike. o States differ as to what sanction will be imposed when sufficient strikes have accumulated. In 12 States mandatory life sentences with no possibility of parole are imposed when a person is out. Parole is possible after a significant period of incarceration in three other States once an offender has struck out. Provisions for enhanced penalties for repeat offenders existed in 23 of the 24 States before the passage of the latest three-strikes legislation. New laws added to previously enacted statutes in various ways: o Several States supplemented existing habitual offender laws for any felony with new laws that focused only on violent felonies. o Several States had preexisting habitual offender laws that allowed for, but did not require, enhanced sentences; the new laws make such sentences mandatory. Early evidence shows that, with the exception of California, most of the laws will have minimal impact on those States' prison systems because they were drafted to apply to only the most violent repeat offenders. Only broadly defined two-strikes provisions like California's have the potential to drastically alter existing sentencing practices. Target audience: State and local legislators and policymakers, prosecutors, public defenders, judges, trial court administrators, and researchers. ---------------------------------- "Three Strikes and You're Out": A Review of State Legislation by John Clark, James Austin, and D. Alan Henry In recent years lawmakers at both the State and Federal levels have passed legislation increasing penalties for criminal offenses, particularly violent crimes. These actions came in response to public concerns about crime and the belief that many serious offenders are released from prison too soon. Many such laws have come under the general label of "three strikes and you're out." The purpose of these laws is simple: Offenders convicted repeatedly of serious offenses should be removed from society for long periods of time, in many cases for life. For many years most States have had provisions in their laws that included enhanced sentencing for repeat offenders.[1] Yet between 1993 and 1995, 24 States and the Federal Government enacted new laws using the "three strikes" moniker,[2] with similarly labeled bills introduced in a number of other States.[3] Washington and California were the first States to implement three-strikes laws.[4] As the laws were being debated, the impact they would have on the two States' criminal justice systems raised concerns. Critics argued that defendants facing lengthy mandatory sentences would be more likely to demand trials, slowing down the processing of cases and adding to the problems of court delay and jail crowding--in effect, creating an unfunded mandate for counties and cities. A longer term concern was that as more and more offenders began serving more lengthy terms of incarceration, prison overcrowding, already at crisis levels in many States, would also grow worse.[5] This Research in Brief examines the three-strikes laws in Washington and California and evaluates their effects to date; describes the differences among new three-strikes laws enacted in 24 States; and compares the provisions of these new laws to each State's preexisting provisions on repeat offender sentencing. Three-strikes models: California and Washington Comparison of the laws' provisions. The Washington law[6] took effect in December 1993 following a voter initiative that passed by a three-to-one margin. In March 1994 the Governor signed the California law,[7] which voters later ratified in a State referendum. Although they were enacted within months of one another using the same "three strikes and you're out" rallying cry and include many of the same offenses as strikes (see exhibit 1), the Washington and California laws differ in three important ways. First, in Washington all three strikes must be for felonies specifically listed in the legislation. Under the California law, only the first two convictions need to be from the State's list of "strikeable" offenses--any subsequent felony can count as the third strike. Second, the California law contains a two-strikes feature in which a person convicted of any felony who has one prior conviction for a strikeable offense is to be sentenced to twice the term he or she would otherwise receive. There is no second-strike provision in the Washington law. Third, the sanctions for a third strike differ. The Washington statute requires a life term in prison without the possibility of parole for a person convicted for the third time of any of the "most serious offenses" listed in the law. In California a "third striker" has at least the possibility of eventually being released, albeit after serving a minimum imprisonment of 25 years.[8] Impact on local courts and jails. When the three- strikes laws were initially implemented in Washington and California, some analysts projected that the law enacted in California would have a much greater impact on the local criminal justice system than the law passed in Washington because it had a much broader scope.[9] They predicted that California courts would become overwhelmed as defendants facing enhanced penalties would demand jury trials. The added time to process cases through trials and the reluctance to release pending trial defendants who were facing long prison terms would cause jail populations to explode as the number of admissions and length of jail stays grew.[10] Early evidence from California indicated that these predictions were proving correct. A review of 12,600 two- and three-strikes cases from Los Angeles, for example, showed that two-strikes cases remained pending in court 16 percent longer and three-strikes cases 41 percent longer than nonstrike cases. In addition, strikes cases were three times more likely to go to trial than nonstrike felonies and four times more likely to go to trial than the same types of cases before the law took effect. This led to a 25-percent increase in jury trials as well as an 11-percent rise in the proportion of the jail population held in pretrial status, from 59 percent before the law was enacted to 70 percent.[11] Furthermore, a survey of sheriff's departments throughout the State showed that the pretrial detainee population had grown statewide,going from 51 percent of the average daily population before three strikes to 61 percent by January 1, 1995.[12] However, more recent data show that at least some counties in the State are learning to absorb the increases brought about by the law. A survey of eight counties with populations of more than 1 million identified several counties that have successfully disposed of two- and three-strikes cases early in the process.[13] Under the Delay Reduction Program--a new pilot project in one of Los Angeles County's Superior Court districts implemented as a result of the added burdens the three-strikes law imposed on the court--the pending caseload of criminal cases has been reduced dramatically.[14] In addition, the most recent data from the Los Angeles Sheriff's Department suggest that the pace of strikes cases coming into that system may be slowing. The number of two-strikes cases filed by the Los Angeles district attorney declined by 15 percent between the second quarter of 1995 and the second quarter of 1996. Likewise, there was a 28- percent decline between the two periods in the number of three-strikes cases filed. The department reports that it is too early to say whether these findings suggest a trend or whether there is another possible cause.[15] Impact on State prison systems. The impact of these laws on State corrections has not been as severe as projected in either Washington or California. Planners in Washington had expected that between 40 and 75 persons would fall under three-strikes provisions each year. Even this low projection has not been met. Since December 1993 when the law took effect, only 85 offenders--as compared with the 120-225 that had been projected--have been admitted to the Washington State prison system under its three-strikes law.[16] A similar overestimate has been made of the California law's impact on its prison system. As of December 31, 1996, a total of 26,074 offenders have been admitted to the California Department of Corrections (CDC) for either a two- or three- strikes sentence. Of this number, nearly 90 percent were sentenced under the two-strikes provision.[17] Although the sheer number of cases affected by the law is significantly higher than for any other State, the numbers are not as great as originally projected. Consequently, CDC recently lowered its 5-year projection by nearly 40,000 inmates (see exhibit 2), principally because there have not been as many two-strikes admissions as expected and because judges have modified their sentencing practices for the two-strikes cases. CDC had estimated that judges would choose longer sentences within the ranges provided by the law. More directly, CDC had expected 42 percent of the two- strikers to be sentenced at the "low" range of sentences but has found that approximately 60 percent are being sentenced at this range. They have resulted in shorter-than-expected sentence lengths or shorter stays in prison. Exhibit 3 shows the number of CDC admissions for two-and three-strikes cases by month; exhibit 4 portrays these data in graph form. As expected, there was a dramatic increase in the first 12 months, but the number of admissions has unexpectedly leveled off and even declined slightly. Finally, there is tremendous variation in the application of the law by county. Exhibit 5 shows the differential use of the law in five major counties. San Francisco and Alameda counties have rarely applied the law; San Diego and Sacramento, which have comparable populations and crime rates, have been far more active in using the law. Los Angeles County is the most frequent user of the law--11,656 offenders have been sent to prison, nearly half of all the State's cases. One recent development that might further reduce these revised projections is a California Supreme Court ruling that allows judicial discretion in applying the law.[18] This ruling may well further limit the use of the law and could create a major logjam of appeals for the nearly 26,000 inmates sentenced under the law who may be eligible for resentencing. Profile of inmates sentenced under strikes laws. In contrasting the attributes of inmates sentenced under the strikes laws in the two States (see exhibit 6), it is noteworthy that a majority of California inmates have been sentenced for nonviolent crimes, while all but one of the Washington inmates have been sentenced for crimes against persons. The Washington inmates are also older, probably reflective of the State's narrower "strike zone." Exhibit 7 presents a more detailed analysis by sentence length of the offenses for which California inmates have been convicted.[19] Excluding violent crimes, the typical sentence for a two-strikes property or drug offense ranges from 3 to 5 years. The sentence length increases dramatically for a third strike with ranges from 26 to 44 years. The majority of drug offenses are either simple possession or possession with intent to sell. Relative to classification data, the majority of two-strikers are either minimum- or low medium- custody inmates with little history of prior institutional problems (see exhibit 8). The same basic trend exists for three-strikers, although a greater proportion are classified in the higher custody levels, largely due to their lengthy prison terms. The sentence length is a major determinant of an inmate's custody level within CDC. A special task force has been created by CDC to determine whether the CDC classification system should be adjusted to ensure that two-strikers and three- strikers are not being overclassified. Three-strikes variations in other States The strikes laws in California and Washington demonstrate that although statutes may share the same title, "three strikes and you're out" can have dramatically different meanings across States. A review of the provisions of the 24 States that have enacted this type of legislation, summarized in exhibit 9, reveals differences in: o How a "strike zone" is defined. o How many strikes are required to be "out." o What it means to be "out." Strike zone defined. The strike zone--what constitutes a strike and under what conditions-- varies from State to State. There are some constants--violent felonies such as murder, rape, robbery, arson, aggravated assault, and carjacking are typically included as strike offenses in such legislation. But States have included other charges, such as the following: o In Indiana--the sale of drugs. o In Louisiana--any drug offense punishable by imprisonment for more than 5 years. o In California--the sale of drugs to minors. o In Florida--escape. o In Washington--treason. o In South Carolina--embezzlement and bribery. Two States define strikeable offenses based on the prior charge and the sentence imposed. Maryland and Tennessee both require that a sentence of incarceration must have been imposed in order for listed offenses to qualify as strikes. Some States have established different levels of strikeable offenses. For example, in Georgia, a second conviction for a defined violent felony mandates a sentence of life without parole, while a fourth felony conviction of any kind requires that the maximum sentence allowable for the charge be imposed. How many strikes are required to be "out." There are also variations in the number of strikes needed to be "out." In South Carolina, a person convicted a second time for any of a list of "most serious offenses" is sentenced to life without parole. There is no third strike. Three strikes are required to be "out" in 20 States, but seven of them--Arkansas, California, Connecticut, Kansas, Montana, Pennsylvania, and Tennessee--also have enhanced sentences for two strikes, depending on the offense. What it means to be "out." Finally, States differ as to what sanction will be imposed when sufficient strikes have accumulated. Mandatory life sentences with no possibility of parole are imposed when a person is out in Georgia, Indiana, Louisiana, Maryland, Montana, New Jersey, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, Washington, and Wisconsin.[20] In three States, parole is possible after an offender is "out," but only after a significant period of incarceration. In New Mexico, such offenders are eligible for parole after serving 30 years, while those in Colorado must serve 40 years before parole can be considered. In California, a minimum of 25 years must be served before parole eligibility. Most three-strikes laws involve mandatory minimum sentences. Four States--Connecticut, Kansas, Arkansas, and Nevada--have recently enacted laws enhancing the possible penalties for multiple convictions for specified serious felonies but leave the actual sentence to the discretion of the court. o In Connecticut, judges can sentence an offender to 40 years in prison for a second conviction for specified serious felonies and to life in prison for a third such conviction. o In Kansas, the legislature enacted sentencing guidelines that provide judges with a sentencing range based on the offense and the offender's prior record. A recent amendment allows judges to double guideline sentences for offenders convicted of certain listed violent felonies for the second time and to triple them for those convicted a third time. o In Arkansas, a judge may choose either a mandatory sentence short of life imprisonment or a life sentence for a second or third strikeable offense. o Similar provisions exist in the Nevada law, which give the judge the option on a third-strike conviction of imposing a life sentence without parole, a life sentence with parole possible after 10 years, or a 25-year sentence with parole possible after 10 years. Five States--Florida, North Dakota, Pennsylvania, Utah, and Vermont--provide sentence ranges up to life, depending on the State, when certain violent offenses are committed by repeat offenders. Comparing preexisting provisions. To accurately describe the impact of three-strikes laws on a State's justice and corrections systems, one must first consider how each State was equipped to respond to repeat violent offenders prior to enactment of a three-strikes law. Did the new legislation successfully close a loophole in the State's criminal sanctioning authority as hoped, or was the new law in effect targeting a population already covered by existing laws? To determine the extent to which the new three- strikes laws differ from preexisting sentencing provisions, officials in each of the 24 three- strikes States were contacted and asked to provide copies of the new three-strikes legislation along with any preexisting habitual or repeat offender statutes. These statutes, summarized in exhibit 10, show that there were provisions for enhanced penalties for repeat offenders in all but 1 (Kansas) of the 24 States before the passage of the latest three- strikes legislation. In Louisiana, Maryland, South Carolina, and Tennessee, the mandatory penalty for a repeat violent offender--life in prison without the possibility of parole--already existed and remained unchanged, but the definition of such an offender was expanded under the new legislation. o Preexisting law in Louisiana mandated life in prison without parole for a third conviction for certain violent and drug felonies. It also required life imprisonment with no parole for any fourth or subsequent felony conviction if at least two of the felonies were among the listed violent or drug offenses. The three-strikes provisions were not changed, but the four-strikes provisions now require a sentence of life without parole if any of the four felonies are on the list of violent or drug felonies. o Maryland added carjacking and armed carjacking to a preexisting law that mandates a term of life in prison without parole on the fourth conviction for a listed crime of violence, if separate prison terms have been served for the first three such convictions. o South Carolina, which since 1976 had a law mandating life imprisonment without parole on the third conviction for a violent felony, reduced the number of such convictions needed to two. o Tennessee likewise had a preexisting three- strikes law with a penalty of life imprisonment without parole. Amendments to this law--enacted in 1994 and 1995--expanded the number of charges that qualify for a three-strikes sentence and added a new two-strikes category for the most serious violent offenses. Two States--North Dakota and Vermont--expanded the definition of a repeat offender: o Under preexisting law, an offender in North Dakota would receive an enhanced sentence on the second conviction for Class A or B offenses. The new law expands the preexisting statute to include Class C offenses. o In Vermont, which had allowed sentencing of up to life in prison for an offender convicted of any felony for the fourth time, a new law allows for a life sentence on the third conviction for a listed violent offense while retaining the fourth conviction provision. o In Virginia the definition of a repeat violent offender remained essentially the same (third conviction for a violent offense), but the punishment was enhanced. The State moved from providing no parole eligibility, no matter the sentence, for those convicted of three separate violent felonies to mandating life sentences with no parole eligibility for this group. Several States supplemented existing habitual offender laws for any felony with new laws that focused only on violent felonies. o Preexisting Colorado law required a tripling of the presumptive sentence for persons convicted of any Class 1, 2, 3, 4, or 5 violent felony three times within a 10-year period. The new three- strikes law, which mandates a life sentence with no parole eligibility for 40 years for a third violent offense conviction, does not contain the 10-year time period of the preexisting law. o New Mexico took a similar path, adding life imprisonment with parole eligibility after 30 years for a third violent felony conviction to a preexisting provision calling for a mandatory added term of imprisonment of 1 year on a second felony conviction, 4 years on a third conviction, and 8 years on a fourth or subsequent conviction. o A new law in Indiana mandating life in prison without parole on a third conviction for certain violent offenses supplements a preexisting law that requires an enhanced sentence on a third conviction for any felony. o Under preexisting law in Georgia, offenders convicted of any felony for a fourth time must serve the maximum sentence imposed before parole eligibility. A new provision was added to this statute mandating life in prison without parole on the second conviction for a specified violent felony. o An habitual criminal law in North Carolina required an additional consecutive sentence of 25 years on the third conviction for any felony. Provisions mandating life without parole on the third conviction for violent felonies have been added to the preexisting law. In some States, the changes involved both expanding the definitions of repeat violent offenders and enhancing the sentences. o The habitual offender statute that was in effect in California prior to the enactment of the three- strikes law mandated a sentence of life imprisonment with first parole eligibility after 20 years for persons who were convicted for a third time of a listed violent offense and who had served separate prison terms for the first two convictions. It also provided that on the fourth conviction for such a felony in which three separate prison terms had been served, the offender was to be sentenced to life without parole. The new law does not require any prison time to have been served for a listed felony to count as a first or second strike nor that the third strike be a violent felony. It does, however, require a minimum of 25 years to be served for the third strike and contains enhanced penalties for a second strike. o Preexisting Pennsylvania law mandated an extended prison term of 5 years for the second or subsequent conviction for certain specified crimes of violence. The new law expands the list of violent offenses and amends the extended mandatory minimum prison term from 5 to 10 years for a second conviction and to 25 years for a third such conviction. o Before enactment of the three-strikes law in Washington, which requires life without parole on a third conviction for specified violent offenses, sentences for offenders were calculated using the State's sentencing guidelines. Other States had preexisting habitual offender laws that allowed for enhanced sentences, but such sentences were not mandatory. o Preexisting Florida law allowed the court to sentence habitual violent felony offenders to extended prison terms, including up to life in certain instances. The recent law creates a new category of "violent career criminal" and establishes mandatory sentences ranging from 10 to 15 years for a third-degree felony, 30 to 40 years for a second-degree felony, and life imprisonment for a first-degree felony. o Until New Jersey enacted a law in 1995 mandating life in prison without parole for a third conviction for certain violent offenses, it was left to the discretion of the sentencing judge to determine if the third conviction for a first-, second-, or third-degree felony warranted an extended term of imprisonment. o A Wisconsin law that allowed the court to extend sentences by up to 10 years for repeat offenders in certain cases was supplemented in 1994 with a three-strikes law requiring a term of life imprisonment without parole on the third conviction for listed felony offenses. o A similar preexisting statute in Montana provided the court with a sentencing range of 5 to 100 years as an extended term to be served consecutively with the original sentence for those convicted of a felony twice within 5 years. The new law requires a sentence of life without parole for those convicted of certain violent offenses for the second time and of other violent offenses for the third time. Since many of the new strikes laws target offenders who would have already received lengthy prison terms under preexisting repeat offender statutes, it is not likely that these laws will have a significant impact on the courts, jails, or prison systems in those States. However, even though the actual number of cases in the 24 States is expected to be small, it is too early to determine the impact more specifically because the laws have not been in place long and serious cases, as described in these strike statutes, by their nature take longer to reach disposition. Conclusion "Three strikes and you're out" as a typology for criminal justice sanctioning is not easily defined. No common definitions exist for the terms "three," "strike," or "out" across the States. However, certain factors are associated with all of the three-strikes laws passed in the 24 States. The first is the authorization--or in some instances, mandate--for longer periods of incarceration for those convicted of violent crimes. Other similarities include the following: o All but 1 (Kansas) of the 24 States had preexisting laws that targeted repeat violent offenders; the breadth of those preexisting statutes will, to a large extent, determine the impact of the new laws in each State. o All of the statutes either increase the period of incarceration for violent crime, expand the number of crimes that are included in the violent crime category, or both. In some instances laws simply changed the period of incarceration for a particular crime from a range to a mandated fixed number of years. o In the majority of States, the new legislation has reduced judicial discretion at the sentencing phase of the criminal justice process. This appears to continue the recent trend of legislatively imposed limitations on judges' decisions, as evidenced by the expansion of mandatory minimum sentence legislation and sentencing guidelines. The rapid expansion of three-strikes laws, regardless of how they are defined, reflects the perceptions that existing laws did not adequately protect public safety in their application and/or outcome, that exceptional incidents had occurred that the new laws would address, or that the intent of current laws was being frustrated by other factors such as prison crowding. Whether the perceptions were accurate and what the impact will be of the new laws are questions that cannot yet be answered. Early evidence suggests that most of the laws will have minimal impact on their respective State prison systems. States have drafted these laws so they would be applied to only the most violent repeat offenders. In most States these offenders were already receiving lengthy prison terms under existing statutes. Only broadly defined two-strikes provisions such as California's have the potential to radically alter existing sentencing practices; even in that State, indications are that judicial interpretations of the law--recently supported by a State Supreme Court decision--as well as prosecutorial discretion in how the law is applied may blunt the anticipated increases. Followup research will continue to track in detail the impact of three-strikes laws on each stage of the criminal justice process (including bail setting, detention, time to trial, type of trial, plea negotiations, and jail and prison population levels), as well as the budget ramifications of any changes that have taken place. The following questions need to be addressed to learn more about this sentencing reform effort and its impact: o Is there a measurable effect on crime in States where such laws were passed? o If yes, does this effect differ from what is occurring in States that have not adopted such laws? o In States that are considering three-strikes legislation but have not yet enacted it, what are likely to be the features of such laws? o What factors differentiate States that have not adopted three-strikes legislation from those that have? o To what extent are the laws modified over time by practice or new legislation to moderate their use? o To what extent are there variations in the application of the laws, both across and within courts and counties? o To what extent does different application of the law to inmates with similar offenses and prior records affect their behavior within the prison and jail systems? o What features of two- and three-strikes laws are associated with compliance (or lack of compliance) with the laws' provisions by prosecutors and judges? o What impact have these sentencing reforms had on public perceptions of the criminal justice system and its ability to incapacitate dangerous offenders? o Based on the early experiences of California and Washington State, what lessons can be learned about projecting the impact of sentencing reforms on the courts, corrections, and crime? ------------------------------ Notes 1. Bureau of Justice Assistance, National Assessment of Structured Sentencing, U.S. Department of Justice, February 1996. 2. Donna Lyons, "Three Strikes" Legislation Update, National Conference of State Legislatures, December 1995. 3. Michael G. Turner et al., " `Three Strikes and You're Out' Legislation: A National Assessment," Federal Probation, Vol. 59, No. 8, September 1995. 4. Several States have had such legislation on the books for many years. For example, South Dakota has had three-strikes-type legislation since 1877. 5. James Austin, " `Three Strikes and You're Out': The Likely Consequences on the Courts, Prisons, and Crime in California and Washington State," St. Louis University Public Law Review, Vol. 14, No. 1, 1994. 6. Wash. Rev. Code Ann.  9.94A.030 (West 1994). 7. Cal. Penal Code  667 (Deering 1994). 8. The Washington law does contain a provision retaining the Governor's authority to grant a pardon or clemency, but it also recommends that no person sentenced under this law to life in prison without parole be granted clemency until the offender has reached 60 years of age and is judged to be no longer a threat to society. 9. Austin, 1994. 10. Austin, 1994. 11. Countywide Criminal Justice Coordination Committee, "Impact of the `Three Strikes Law' on the Criminal Justice System in Los Angeles County," November 15, 1995. Because the jail system is limited in the number of inmates it can house as a result of a Federal court order and constraints on the sheriff's budget, the use of early release mechanisms for lower risk sentenced offenders has been accelerated to make room for the growing number of two- and three-strikes cases. This policy has not increased the size of the jail population, but it has changed its composition. 12. State Sheriffs' Association, Three Strikes Jail Population Report, 1995. 13. Center for Urban Analysis, Santa Clara County Office of the County Executive, "Comparing Administration of the `Three-Strikes Law' in the County of Los Angeles with Other Large California Counties," May 1996. 14. In mid-1995 an all-time high of approximately 3,500 cases were pending in Los Angeles Central District Court. With the Delay Reduction Program, that backlog was reduced to approximately 1,800 cases by January 1997. 15. Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, "`Three Strikes' Law--Impact on Jail: Summary Analysis," August 31, 1996. 16. Washington Department of Corrections. 17. California Department of Corrections. 18. People v. Superior Court (Romero) (1996), 13 Cal. 4th 497, 53 Cal. Rptr. 2d 789, 917 P.2d 628. 19. The California law requires two-strikers to receive sentences twice as long as normally expected and to serve 80 percent of their sentences less pretrial custody credits. Three-strikers must serve their entire sentences. Prior to the law's enactment, inmates served slightly less than 50 percent of their sentences. 20. Virginia law does provide for the release of prisoners 65 years of age and older who have served a specified period of imprisonment, and a North Carolina law separate from the three-strikes statute entitles those sentenced to life without parole to a review of their sentences after serving 25 years. ------------------------------ Findings and conclusions of the research reported here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. ------------------------------ The National Institute of Justice is a component of the Office of Justice Programs, which also includes the Bureau of Justice Assistance, the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, and the Office for Victims of Crime. ------------------------------ NCJ 165369 ------------------------------ Selected NIJ Publications About Sentencing Legislation Listed below are some NIJ publications and videos related to issues of sentencing legislation. The products are free, except as indicated, and can be obtained from the National Criminal Justice Reference Service (NCJRS): phone 800-851-3420, e-mail askncjrs@ncjrs.org, or write NCJRS, Box 6000, Rockville, MD 20849-6000. These documents also can be downloaded through the NCJRS FTP site in ASCII or graphic formats. They can be viewed online at the Justice Information Center World Wide Web site. Call NCJRS for more information. Please note that when free publications are out of stock, they are available as photocopies or through interlibrary loan. Alternative Sanctions in Germany: An Overview of Germany's Sentencing Practices NIJ Research Preview, 1996 FS 000137 Austin, James, Ph.D. Sentencing Guidelines: A State Perspective VHS videotape, 1997 NCJ 164726 (U.S. $19, Canada and other foreign countries $24) Greenwood, Peter W., Ph.D. Three Strikes, You're Out: Benefits and Costs of California's New Mandatory Sentencing Law VHS videotape, 1995 NCJ 152236 (U.S. $19, Canada and other foreign countries $24) Parent, Dale, Terence Dunworth, Douglas McDonald, and William Rhodes Key Legislative Issues in Criminal Justice: The Impact of Sentencing Guidelines NIJ Research in Action, 1996 NCJ 161837 Parent, Dale, Terence Dunworth, Douglas McDonald, and William Rhodes Key Legislative Issues in Criminal Justice: Intermediate Sanctions NIJ Research in Action, 1997 NCJ 161838 Parent, Dale, Terence Dunworth, Douglas McDonald, and William Rhodes Key Legislative Issues in Criminal Justice: Mandatory Sentencing NIJ Research in Action, 1997 NCJ 161839 Pfeiffer, Christian, Ph.D. Sentencing Policy and Crime Rates in Reunified Germany VHS videotape, 1995 NCJ 152237 (U.S. $19, Canada and other foreign countries $24) Tonry, Michael Intermediate Sanctions in Sentencing Guidelines Issues and Practices, May 1997 NCJ 165043 ------------------------------ Quick Access to NIJ Publication News For news about NIJ's most recent publications, including solicitations for grant applications, subscribe to JUSTINFO, the bimonthly newsletter sent to you via e-mail. Here's how: o Send an e-mail to listproc@ncjrs.org o Leave the subject line blank o Type subscribe justinfo your name (e.g., subscribe justinfo Jane Doe) in the body of the message Or check out the "What's New" section at the Justice Information Center home page: http://www.ncjrs.org