Community Policing Exchange, May/June 1995.

Theme: The Framework 



Article One
Community Policing is Alive and Well
By Bonnie Bucqueroux

A commander in a big-city department invites the community to help him design an effective
drug-gang strategy that avoids the inequity and the danger of stigmatizing and harassing minority
youth.  In a small town in Arizona, the police and the community together launch a curfew
incentive program that allows youngsters who play by the rules to earn points toward a bicycle. 
A chief from the "New" South explores ways to lure other service providers back into the
community to work alongside the police in troubled neighborhoods.  In an economically
depressed New England town, the police open a substation in an experimental school to
encourage greater collaboration between public housing residents and their more affluent - and
fearful - neighbors.  An enterprising captain out West cuts the bureaucratic red tape that had long
kept the sidewalks in a poor neighborhood unpaved, thereby ending the corrosive ridicule that
the neighborhood's fragile youngsters faced each time they showed up at school with muddy
shoes.

With a nod to Mark Twain, these successes, large and small, confirm that reports of the  death of
community policing are greatly exaggerated.  No doubt there will always be the occasional,
high-profile casualty - a promising effort that implodes or explodes for a variety of complex
reasons.  Yet for every widely reported flame-out, there are innumerable unheralded success
stories in police departments nationwide.

The  No Definition  Myth
Indeed,  surveys done by the Police Executive Research Forum and the National Center for
Community Policing in conjunction with the FBI confirm that roughly two out of three police
agencies in major jurisdictions report that they have adopted some form of community policing
or plan to do so in the near future.  If that sounds too good to be true, at least in part, it is; the
NCCP/FBI research showed that three out of four police agencies that claim to be doing
community policing do not allow the community a voice in identifying, prioritizing and solving
problems.

Sadly, some would use that finding to define community policing, insisting that any definition
must derive from quantifying what is happening in the field.  Yet that ignores the clear and
concise definition of community policing in widespread use for more than a decade, which has
served as the ideal which progressive police have aspired:  

Community policing is a philosophy based on forging a partnership between the police and the
community, so that they can work together on solving problems of crime, fear of crime and
disorder, thereby enhancing the overall quality of life in their neighborhoods.

Its academic underpinnings blend the wisdom of power sharing and decentralized
decision-making contained in the 10 Principles of Community Policing, as proposed by the late
Dr. Robert Trojanowicz, with the effectiveness of strategic thinking in Problem-Oriented
Policing (POP), as envisioned by Dr. Herman Goldstein.  While each man's vision independently
advanced policing far beyond business as usual, combining these powerful approaches together
under the rubric of community policing dramatically reinvents the role and function of the police.

Changing the Policing Paradigm
The Trojanowicz legacy underscores the importance of bringing key stakeholders together as
equals, since solutions always benefit from including as many perspectives as possible.  The
police alone cannot make communities safe, and tapping the eyes, ears, minds, and energies of
law-abiding citizens increases the likelihood of success.  Add to that the Goldstein contribution
of the S.A.R.A. (Scanning, Analysis, Response, Assessment) model, which elevates policing
from catching the bad guys to exploring the underlying dynamics that allow problems to persist
-- as profound a shift as from checkers to chess.

Operationalizing the philosophy can differ in terms of specific strategies and tactics, as part of
tailoring the approach to local resources and needs, but the major challenge facing police
managers lies in harnessing the full power of this potent new paradigm.  In this climate, the
allegation that community policing has yet to be defined threatens its future.  For one thing,  it
blurs the standards by which we can hold departments accountable, allowing any police agency
that jumps on the community policing bandwagon the potential to dilute what it stands for.  For
another, it allows police a tempting loophole to avoid the hard work of fundamental change,
particularly the daunting challenge of engaging the community fully in the following steps:
determining the vision, values, and mission of the department

recruiting, selecting, training, evaluating, promoting, and rewarding personnel

and participating directly in problem solving and assessment.

How sad if community policing ends up tagged as a failure without receiving a fair trial on its
own merits.  Last year, Newsweek columnist George Will treated community policing as
synonymous with "saturation policing," as if the goal is simply to flood neighborhoods with
police officers as a visible deterrent to crime.  Another challenge now comes from
"crime-specific" policing, touted as superior to community policing in reducing target crimes.

The Illusion of "Crime-Specific" Policing
The most famous of the current crime-specific policing sites is Houston, with its 655 Program
(which refers to the goal of using overtime to add the equivalent of an additional full-time officer
to each of the city's 655 square miles).  This approach again narrows the mission of the police to
a primary focus on crime, which it addresses by "proactive, aggressive" patrol and investigation,
with interaction between the police and the community limited to communication about security
concerns.
Conceptually, it differs little from traditional policing, albeit with more sworn personnel and
greater fervor for making arrests for minor infractions.  In Houston, reports of Part I
"suppressible" crimes declined, while arrests for Part II curfew violations and loitering increased.

Mark Twain also warned us about lies, damn lies, and statistics.  Even the advocates of
crime-specific policing admit that the Houston results are ambiguous, since reductions in crimes
such as robberies and burglaries mirrored decreases in neighboring jurisdictions that have not
adopted this approach.

Keep in mind as well that only one out of every three crimes is ever reported to the police.  By
fostering trust, community policing can actually produce an initial increase in crime rates, as
people share information about incidents that would otherwise have gone unreported (and
surveys confirm that people feel safer).  Crime-specific policing, in contrast, may well do a better
job of suppressing crime reporting than suppressing crime itself.  And if minority communities in
particular perceive "aggressive" as "harassing," this approach could elevate the threat of civil
unrest, whereas community policing is widely perceived as reducing this risk.

Community policing is about both means and ends.  Targeting disorder could be part of a
community policing problem-solving initiative, but only as a result of the direct participation and
support of the community.  It is easy to see the appeal of an alternative strategy that allows police
to remain the independent and autonomous experts.  Yet crime-specific policing suffers from
fostering dependence on government to make communities safe, at a time when there is growing
consensus that voters support empowering people to do more for themselves.

The reality is that the choice is not among the four options of traditional, community,
problem-oriented, or crime-specific policing, but between public and private policing. 
Community policing did not emerge because it is easy to implement and to do, but because the
traditional system is failing.  Where a decade ago there were three private security guards for
each police officer, there are now four to one.  As those who can afford to do so increasingly
isolate themselves in high-rise fortresses and walled suburban communities, the public police
find themselves left to protect "consumers" who cannot "shop" elsewhere for their safety.  What
will happen if frustrated taxpayers lose their taste for supporting an unresponsive system that
they themselves no longer use?

The question is not whether any new strategy can effect a temporary decline in a handful of
selected crime rates, but whether a philosophy of policing helps to inform the use of existing
police resources as the catalyst in making trouble neighborhoods safer.  As Bob Trojanowicz
used to remind us, community policing recognizes that until we are all safe, no one is truly safe.

Bonnie Bucqueroux is associate director of the National Center for Community Policing at
Michigan State University.  She is also co-author, with the late Robert Trojanowicz, of
Community Policing: A Contemporary Perspective and Community Policing: How to Get
Started, both from Anderson Publishing, Cincinnati, Ohio.  She is currently working on a new
book, Reinventing Police Management: A Community Policing Approach.  Bucqueroux recently
assumed duties as executive director of the Michigan Victim Alliance, and she will soon begin
work on the Victims & the Media project at MSU's School of Journalism. Phone: (517) 355-
2322.





Article Two
Understanding the Community Policing Continuum

Houston, Texas                      
On Feb.3, 1995, the Los Angeles Times printed an article that focused on the friendly
relationships that Los Angeles police officers had developed with O. J. Simpson over the past
several years.  The article examined the appropriateness of having police officers establish and
maintain citizen contacts.  At question was the notion that police officers' integrity could be
compromised should one of their contacts eventually be involved in a crime, as was O. J.
Simpson.

When queried about such situations, a Los Angeles Police Department detective claimed that
citizen contacts didn't necessarily constitute misconduct as long as officers were listening to their
radios and responding to calls.  Said the detective, "It sounds like community-based policing to
me."
 
Unintentionally, this characterization of community policing signifies the ongoing struggle that
the concept faces in gaining acceptance among police officers across the country.  The  
controversy over community policing stems partly from the belief that community policing is
something inherently different from traditional policing, which it was never intended to be.
Rather, community policing simply provides a context in which police executives can reconsider
how their departments should operate and be managed.  A functional continuum provides one
tool for explaining community policing.  Such a continuum can easily be subdivided into three
distinct components.  These components represent the reactive, proactive and coactive functions
of police work.

REACTIVE
COACTIVE 
REACTIVE                                                                             

Officers are most familiar with the reactive function. It represents time honored responsibilities
of handling calls for service, writing reports, conducting initial investigations, and enforcing the
traffic codes.  These responsibilities must be and always will be performed by officers
irrespective of time or location.

The proactive function represents responsibilities associated with reducing criminal activity by
catching murderers, robbers, burglars, rapists, etc.  Officers accomplish this by implementing
directed patrols, developing short-term tactical plans, using crime analysis data, and performing
instigative and follow-up investigations.  It is generally acknowledged that officers perform these
responsibilities very well and usually without direct involvement by the citizens.

However, it seems increasingly necessary for officers to work with citizens to combat crime and
disorder.  In forming such  partnerships, officers take on additional responsibilities, including but
not limited to working with citizens to identify heretofore unknown crime and disorder problems;
developing short-and-long-term action plans to address those problems: providing assistance,
when requested, in organizing neighborhood action teams; promoting citizen self-help measures,
and facilitating citizen involvement in prevention efforts.  These responsibilities can be
collectively associated with the "coactive" function of police work.

Placing these functions on a continuum, illustrates how police responsibilities are evolving over
time.  No longer is it sufficient for police departments to solely advocate a single type of service
response.  Service demands are too diverse and complex to restrict the manner in which officers
respond to them.
 
The essence of community policing is in recognizing that any area within a city or county has
unique service needs.  In other words, service demands will dictate, to a large extent, how much
time will be spent performing reactive, proactive and coactive responsibilities.  The proportion of
time spent performing these distinct responsibilities will vary in accordance with many factors
(e.g., time, location, socioeconomic status, etc.).  But it is important to remember that, although
at times a particular function takes precedence over the others, it in no way diminishes the
importance of the other functions.

Thus, it becomes important for officers to be aware of the uniqueness of their assigned areas. 
Once they learn what the mix of service demands is, they can begin to apply their reactive,
proactive and coactive skills accordingly.  The utility of this perspective rests on the assumption
that the diversity of cities or counties defies categorical application of a single style of policing. 
Instead, an officer must perform many functions, any of which can be required at any given time,
in any given area.

Concomitantly, the roles and responsibilities of supervisors and managers must evolve as well. 
Managers must give officers  appropriate organizational support. Often, such areas as training,
investigations, disciplinary practices, performance evaluation, and dispatch operations will need
to be revisited.  Without adequate support, officers will have difficulty providing the variety of
services requested by citizens.

Community policing should not be confined to just establishing citizen  contacts and attending
community meetings.  Instead, it should provide a context to understand the relationship between
service demands and response capabilities.  The continuum clarifies what those service demands
are.  It also provides a framework for managers to justify the deployment and utilization of
personnel in their respective communities.  This is especially important given the potentially
disparate viewpoints citizens have regarding the effectiveness and responsiveness of the
department to their needs and concerns.

Community policing is not soft on crime.  Nor was it ever intended to lure the public into a false
sense of security simply by establishing contacts with them.  It is unfortunate that some people,
like the LAPD detective, view community policing as a singular strategy.  It is equally
disappointing to read the works of vanguards who use misguided assumptions about police work
to justify preserving the status quo.

These myopic viewpoints are indicative of the vast misunderstanding that exists about the police
mission in general.  No one should use community policing to unilaterally discard past practices
as abject failures.  Community policing seeks only to build upon the successes of our history.  To
the extent that the continuum significantly contributes to a more accurate understanding of
community policing, the better off all of us will be.

By Lieutenant Timothy N. Oettmeier

For more information contact Lieutenant Timothy N. Oettmeier, Houston Police Academy,
17000 Aldine Westfield, Houston, TX 77073.  Phone: (713) 230-2300.  Fax: (713) 230-2341.






Article Three
Community Policing Helps Transform an Apartment Complex

El Centro, Calif.
In October 1994, the El Centro Police Department began one of the most exciting periods of its
long and distinguished history.  It all began when a new chief, Harold Carter, was appointed.
When Carter took over the reins that fall, he quickly realized the need for a change in department
philosophy.  What he had in mind was a concept he knew was being tried in other cities  
community policing.  

Carter's first task was to explain this new way of thinking to his staff, and to get everyone
operating on the same wavelength.  Although Chief Carter encountered some resistance to the
changes, he proceeded with his plan.  Having laid the foundation, Carter's next step was to create
a new departmental structure.  Consequently, a major reorganization occurred that included
dividing the city into beats.  Officers were then assigned to beats, with one officer responsible for
each area.   

As the press published news of community policing, citizens' interest in the department
increased.  One resident who learned of the "new" philosophy was Cliff Samples, the owner of a
local apartment complex in Posada del Sol.  Mr. Samples contacted Chief Carter and expressed
his desire to collaborate with the department.  Samples felt sure that a partnership between him
and the department would help to alleviate the problems in Posada, one of the city's most
troubled areas.
Mr. Samples explained to Chief Carter his goal to make Posada a real "community."  He had
already started this process by providing classroom space for language and religion courses. 
When Samples stated that he would assist police however he could, the police suggested that
Posada del Sol might be a good site for a police storefront.  Mr. Samples quickly agreed and
immediately began renovated a vacant apartment.  To demonstrate further good will, Samples
absorbed the cost for the entire project.

Historically, Posada del Sol had been a very active complex that required more than its share of
police response.  This neighborhood was home to a large number of children, but unfortunately
had very little to offer them in the way of recreation. The kids' one outlet was a city park ridden
with drug and alcohol abusers.

Working out of the new Posada storefront,  Officer Eric Scoville, a six-year veteran with the El
Centro Police Department, assumed responsibility for the Posada beat.   Scoville's commitment
to this neighborhood was quickly evidenced by his efforts to reach local residents.  At first, many
of the kids were reluctant to talk to a law enforcement officer, and Scoville's attempts to "break
the ice" were not very successful.  Realizing that he needed something to draw the kids to him,
Scoville began to distribute POGS, a type of game card.  Scoville's gesture drew an immediate
and positive response from the children. 

Although the POGS were effective in opening the lines of communication, Officer Scoville's real
goal was to set up a permanent program that would benefit the kids and the community. 
Following a community policing principle, Scoville went to the source and asked the children
what they wanted.  Their resounding answer was that they wanted to play soccer.  With that
information, Scoville set about organizing an after-school soccer league.  At their first practice, 
twenty kids from Posada showed up to play.  Every practice that followed attracted more and
more children from the area.  The most recent count of the El Centro Police Soccer League
recorded more than 100 kids on their roster. 

The program also worked to bring families together.  Many parents responded enthusiastically to
the soccer league and attended games regularly to show support for their kids.  Other parents
were so dedicated that they committed their to time to coaching positions. The program became
so successful that it is now a part of Police Athletic League.  

Word of the work being done by the department spread and motivated other agencies in El
Centro to get involved.  One of those agencies, the parks department, demonstrated their interest
in revitalizing the community by cleaning up the park in Posada del Sol.  Gone are the days when
children had nowhere to play because their only park was unsafe.  Thanks to El Centro's new
community policing approach, Posada now has a clean, safe park for the children to enjoy.

One chief's vision, one citizen's concern and one officer's dedication has resulted in a solid first
step on this journey to a safer, happier El Centro.

By Lieutenant Ray Loera

For more information contact Lieutenant Ray Loera, Director of Community Relations, El
Centro Police Department, 150 Ninth St., El Centro, CA 92243.  Phone: (619) 352-2111.  Fax:
(619) 353-7301.





Article Four
A Citizen's View of the Citizen Police Academy

Port St. Lucie, Fla.
I retired to Port St. Lucie, Fla., two years ago.  As someone who had been active in civic affairs, I
was interested in a newspaper announcement that the Citizen Police Academy was accepting
registration for its second free training course.

My prior contact with some police departments had not given me a favorable impression of law
enforcement agencies even though I had never been in conflict with them.  First, both the upper
and lower rank officers seemed to have an us-against-them attitude toward civilians.  Second,
since I believe citizens and police should be partners in preventing crime, I was disappointed by
the ineffective implementation of community policing by those departments I was familiar with.
All too often, community policing turned out to be a limited public relations effort, rather than an
agency-wide philosophy and practice of law enforcement.

So, with some misgivings, I enrolled in the Port St. Lucie Citizen Police Academy.  Port St.
Lucie is a new, fast growing city on the southeast coast of Florida, with a current population of
about 70,000.  The population in 1961 was reported to be 11.  The police department is even
younger just 15-years-old.  Our 88-square mile city is expected to grow to over 200,000 people
in the next couple of decades.  Thus the policies set in place today will affect many people in the
near future.

The 16 registrants for the Citizen Police Academy course were diverse men and women, young
and old, with various ethnic backgrounds.  There was  a college student, an English woman, a
young deaf woman, a former army colonel, and several retirees.

The course required our attendance one night per week, 6:00 p.m. to 10:00 p.m., for eight weeks. 
In addition, we spent one full day in the field watching K-9 demonstrations and Special
Response Team exercises, and receiving instruction on the firing range.

This 40-hour course was taught by the city manager, the chief, the assistant chief, the deputy
chief, every department head in the agency, plus civilian specialists.  Topics included:
Neighborhood Policing, Community Relations, Training, Code Enforcement, Animal Control,
Public Service Aides, Records, Recruiting, Public Information, Criminal Investigation,
Professional Standards, Accreditation, Disaster Preparedness, Driving, K-9, Special Response
Team, Marine, Firearms and 911.  In a word, coverage was total.
The unifying thread running throughout the course was community policing, what it was, why it
was, and how it was implemented throughout the department.  Though certain functions have to
remain centralized for now, the primary thrust of the entire police structure was to bring the
policing partnership with residents down to the neighborhood level.  There was an uninhibited
frankness; admissions of when the police had goofed, admission that a few officers were still not
enthusiastic about the community policing concept.  Such honesty added to the credibility of
what was being taught in the course.

By speaking intelligently and being open, and inviting critical comment, it became clear to the
students that these were high caliber people on a dedicated mission.  Citizen skeptics were
becoming citizen advocates for the police.  On our own initiative, we started spreading the word
to friends, neighbors and fellow members of the numerous organizations most of us belonged to. 
The core message was that our police were good guys, and that they needed and deserved our
support and cooperative participation.  In a sense, we became "teachers" about our police
department and its community policing approach.

The students were invited to volunteer their services for any activities they qualified for.  For
myself, I thought my 30 years of experience as an editor and publisher of magazines, newsletters
and trade newspapers could be put to good use spreading the message of dedicated police
professionals who want to work with residents to maintain a good quality of life.  Consequently,
I developed an attractive and informative four-page newsletter, appropriately named Community,
that I still write, edit and typeset.  The subtitle reads Neighborhood Improvement Through
Community Policing.  The department has to pay only for the printing, and  distribution occurs
primarily through neighborhood officers.  Many more residents now know what their police are
doing, and doing right, in comparison to the headline-seeking approach of certain media.  From
what a number of the roughly 100 sworn officers and 50 civilian employees have told me, I think
it has also boosted morale.

Our police department put a lot of effort into planning and teaching the Citizen Police Academy
course.  It's a long-term undertaking, rather than an overnight revelation.  But like a pebble
thrown into a pond, the ripples of good will and understanding spread far and wide.

By Al Forman
     
For more information on the Port St. Lucie Citizen Police Academy contact Lieutenant Scott
Bartal, Port St. Lucie Police Department, 121 S.W. Port St. Lucie Blvd., Police/Administration
Building, Port St. Lucie, FL 34984-4398. Phone: (407) 871-5012.  








Article Five
Civil Disturbance is Put to Rest

LaCrosse, Wis.
In the mid-1980s, Coon Creek, a village located near the University of Wisconsin in La Crosse,
began hosting an annual canoe race.  The event lured students from colleges and universities all
over the country, and each spring the number of attendees surpassed the year before.

Crowd control became a serious problem as the races became more popular.  In the early years,
La Crosse police officers handled only relatively benign violations committed by patrons.  But,
by the late 80s and early 90s, crowd behavior had escalated from being merely obnoxious and
unruly into confrontational and dangerous.  Following a traditional policing philosophy, officers
attempted to control the throngs of party-goers by arresting violators, with little success.  Officers
were put on the defensive as they weaved their way through the hostile crowds.  The crowds
threatened police with any objects that could pass for weapons   broken chunks of concrete,
glass, even garbage cans. When an individual fired a gun at a recent event, police concern
escalated.

The post-race festivities also led to considerable property damage. Intoxicated individuals exiting
late-hour La Crosse taverns were usually responsible.  Common targets for destruction were
automobiles, both civilian and law enforcement,  parked on downtown streets.  One group of
individuals took advantage of  their relative anonymity when they overturned and set on fire an
unoccupied patrol car. 

At first, La Crosse P. D., with the assistance of the local fire department, tried to disband
recalcitrant crowds by hosing them down with water.  But by 1992, with the number of arrests up
to 149,  police resorted to tear gas and riot gear to regulate crowd behavior.  The police, along
with community and business leaders were increasingly concerned about the crowd problems.

Acknowledging the necessity of a new plan to address these problems, the department pulled
together a task force to resolve the problems facing them.  They established a team consisting of
a lieutenant, four sergeants, and four line officers.  Their stated purpose was to analyze the
underlying causes of the problems contributing to the annual civil disturbance.  The team was
also responsible for recommending an appropriate course of action. 

The group approached the task using the SARA model a four-step problem-solving process
composed of scanning, analysis, response and assessment.  The team first conducted an in-depth
review of all possible information and sources that could shed light on the reasons for the
post-race disruptions.  Agreeing that the university was a good place to begin the process,
members met with representatives from local colleges.  Subsequent gatherings included a "speak
out" attended by other La Crosse residents, including the police chief, the task force, student
body representatives and Tavern League members.  The police gleaned additional facts by
reviewing media coverage of previous events, interviewing "Coon Creek" arrestees, speaking
with officers who had worked the event, and finally, by scrutinizing related police reports.  After
several months of data collection, the team was ready to move to the next step.
The second stage analyzing the information was seen as critical.  These findings, the task force
knew, would serve as the basis for their recommended response.  To simplify the analysis, the
team viewed the involved parties as "actors."  Using this concept to mind-map the post-race
activities, the officers began to evaluate the actions and the subsequent responses that contributed
to the civil disturbance.  It became readily apparent that more than just college students were
playing key roles.  Also participating in the disturbances were college-age individuals who lived
in surrounding areas.   Other actors included the police, bystanders, business owners, vendors,
the Coon Creek Planning Committee, elected officials, the prosecutor, various college
administrators, and the media. 

The team then constructed the sequence of steps that they believed led to the mob uprising.  First,
the practice of tavern owners showing  films of former races and post-event uprisings, seemed to
contribute to an aggressive mind-set.  Secondly,  tavern owners served alcoholic beverages in
glass bottles and cans and did not check for these items when patrons departed.  A further
complication arose when lawful tavern customers attempted to converge with the boisterous
crowds already gathered outside.  Consequently, the two groups overflowed onto the streets and
obstructed traffic, which in turn required a police response.  More problems surfaced when
people were injured as they emerged from between the multitudes of cars parked along the curbs. 

Having developed a better understanding of the relationship between the various parties
involved, the team quickly saw that the traditional police response of arrests and attempts to
control the crowd were insufficient.  The team now set about the task of developing a response
that could effectively deal with the problem. 

The group developed a strategy to address the underlying problems contributing to the
confrontation.  They agreed that the solution had to be long-lasting, improve community
perception and reduce police workload.  To address the many factors contributing to the
disturbance, the team developed a multi-faceted response.  The response included the following
steps:
The media was contacted and encouraged to become a partner in developing a positive image for
the Coon Creek event.

The Tavern League agreed to provide free transport by bus for any individual desiring to leave
La Crosse after the races. 

Police advertised the use of ten video cameras that would record the crowd's behavior, with the
goal of reducing confrontational and dangerous behavior.

The Department of Public Works arranged for a special clean-up of the downtown area prior to
the canoe races, in an effort to remove bottles and other items that could cause injury or harm. 

Additionally, team members went door-to-door in downtown La Crosse, encouraging tavern
owners to serve alcohol only in plastic cups.


With the assistance of the Common Council, the team arranged for a resolution that prohibited
parking from 9:00 p.m. to 6:00 a.m. in the downtown area following the races.  This restriction
resulted in no damage to vehicles and no need for the traditional response required to protect
parked vehicles.  The team also got permission from local officials to close off several streets in
this same area to provide a safe and controlled area in which individuals could enjoy a
festival-like atmosphere.
     

This recommended response was applied in May of 1993 and again in 1994.  As part of  the
assessment phase,  the team developed criteria to measure effectiveness.  It was decided that the
absence or reduction of the number of arrests, and the ability of the crowd to disperse without
police assistance, would be indicators of success.     

Following the 1994 canoe race events, the team concluded that its plan was a success. The
number of arrests plummeted from a high of 183 in 1991 to only 14 in 1994.  Equally telling was
the deluge of positive media and mail received.  Citizen approval of the new program was loud
and clear.  The team was also pleased that the department's relationship with local universities
improved.  One byproduct was the creation of a permanent officer liaison position with the
University of Wisconsin.  The final indicator of success, however, was the dramatically reduced
number of officers needed to work the event.

The department's ingenuity and willingness to depart from a traditional policing style, coupled
with a committed effort from the community, resulted in restoring peace and order to the city of
La Crosse. 

By Chief Edward Kondracki

For more information contact Chief Edward Kondracki, La Crosse Police Department, 400 La
Crosse St., La Crosse, WI 54601. Phone: (608) 782-4090.  Fax: (608) 785-9858.





Article Six
Tragedy Sparks Community Policing in Spokane, Washington

Spokane, Wash.
In late 1991, Cheryl Steele of Spokane, Washington's, West Central neighborhood, attended a
community meeting called after the tragic abduction of two local girls. One of the girls was
found dead, while the other is still missing.  People at that meeting were grieving. They were
angry,  says Steele.  Their grief sparked action, as residents formed a task force to address
neighborhood problems.


Steele ended up chairing a community-police relations subcommittee. The committee chose 
more police presence  as its number-one priority. Soon they discovered that the reason their area
was patrolled so infrequently was because there were not enough officers to go around. Citizens'
anger toward the police dissipated, according to Steele, when they learned how the department
worked and realized that the problem was a lack of resources, not police indifference.

So the West Central citizens approached the city council with an idea. They would open a
neighborhood police substation, staffed by community volunteers. The substation could be a
central place for gathering information on neighborhood crime and disorder problems, and serve
as a resource for solving those problems.

The police chief, Terry Mangan, supported the idea and the city council eventually endorsed it as
well. The West Central Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) facility opened on May
1, 1992. Four years later, there are nine  COPS Shops  in Spokane's neighborhoods, with four
more in the planning stages. 

COPS community volunteers take police reports; provide information on neighborhood
resources, from housing to bus schedules; work with public agencies in their area; hold classes
on such topics as parenting and employment; and more. Each substation uniquely addresses its
host neighborhood's needs. Police officers assigned to  particular beats use the facility to meet
with citizens, as do parole and probation officers.

COPS shops have proven to be a tremendous success. Andrew Giacomazzi, project coordinator
for Spokane's community-oriented policing programs, remarks that  you hear how hard it is to
mobilize community residents, but we don't seem to have that problem here.  In fact, volunteers
logged over 63,000 hours in 1994.

In the West Central neighborhood, there has been an  overwhelming change in standards of what
is acceptable,  according to Steele. Neighbors hold each other accountable to keep their yards and
streets clean and safe. They provide information to police and corrections officers on potential
problems, so they can intervene before it's too late. Since the COPS facility opened, crime rates
in the neighborhood have dropped significantly.

This spring, the city council is expected to approve the formation of an independent, non-profit
corporation to take over management of the COPS Shops from the police department.  This
makes it a real partnership,  says Chief Mangan.  The community really has authority, and the
department is now dependent on them to be successful. 
     
Community Policing is a Department-Wide Philosophy
The COPS program is but one piece of Spokane's department-wide commitment to community
policing. This winter, the department published a 30-page booklet summarizing the programs
that make community policing a reality in Spokane. The booklet begins,  The Spokane Police
Department feels community policing holds more promise for preserving or restoring quality of
life and freedom from the fear of crime than ANY other approach available. 

The department, with approximately 250 sworn officers serving a population of 185,000 city
residents, has been implementing community policing for the last eight years. Current programs
range from youth crime prevention to a citizens' academy to neighborhood patrols.

Focus on Spokane's Youths: The COPY Kids Program
COPY Kids (Community Opportunities Program for Youth) is one of Spokane's most popular
community policing projects. The police department holds a series of week-long programs each
summer for kids (11-to-15-years-old) from economically disadvantaged neighborhoods. The kids
work on a community-improvement project alongside police officers and other city employees,
who act as supervisors and role models. They also attend workshops on self-esteem, anger
management and decision making, and get tours of local businesses. At the end of the week, each
youth opens a savings account with the $40 they receive for participating in the program.

The goals of the program are to foster positive relationships between the kids and role models, to
demonstrate a correlation between performing a community project and financial reward, to help
the kids develop a sense of responsibility and self-esteem, to introduce them to possibilities for
future employment, and to encourage them to finish school. 

Evaluations by Washington State University researchers support anecdotal evidence that the
COPY Kids program works. Participating youths and their parents report positive feelings about
the role-model supervisors, feelings of accomplishment and an increased appreciation for hard
work and education. After the third program year in 1994, evaluators checked with the local bank
where the kids opened their savings accounts. Almost two-thirds of the kids who had 
participated in the program's first year in 1992 still had their savings accounts in place two years
later.

The kids are not the only beneficiaries.  This program gets at cops' cynicism,  says Dave Ingle,
the department's administrative services director.  For many cops with a traditional mentality,
this is an eye-opening experience. 
     
The Secrets of Their Success
Chief Mangan came to Spokane in 1987 after serving as chief in Bellingham, Wash., for 11
years. His unique background makes Mangan especially qualified to lead community-police
partnerships. In the 1960s, Mangan was working as a teacher, counselor and clergyman when the
Seaside, Calif., Police Department asked him for help linking the police with the community. He
became a reserve officer, and eventually moved into a full-time position. Mangan helped Seaside
develop their very early efforts at community policing.

So Mangan plays an important role in Spokane's commitment to community policing, but he
acknowledges that this philosophy does not work as a  top-down  strategy.  We don't just have
some people doing community policing; the whole agency is doing community policing. And it's
a real relationship [between the police and citizens]. It's not just pieces of the community
working with pieces of the department.  


Mangan believes that, in order to be successful,  community policing has to happen slowly, it has
to happen from the bottom up, and it has to allow for adjustments  depending on the particular
needs of the community and neighborhoods.  It's like water flowing down a  hillside. No two
hillsides are alike, and the water will take a different course on each. You have to be patient and
see how things happen.  From that philosophy stems the department's commitment to working
with neighborhoods to identify problems and develop neighborhood-specific strategies. Hence,
each COPS substation is uniquely formed for its particular area.

Spokane's law enforcement officers seem to truly believe in and practice the concepts of
community policing. Mangan believes that this support stems partly from the philosophy's
successful results. He remarks that,  Nothing succeeds like success. [For example] officers see
that citizens can help them better respond to crimes and locate perpetrators, and that leads to a
better arrest system. 

Citizen education is another key to Spokane's success. The COPS Shops grew out of citizen
discouragement with police service and their subsequent education in how the department works.
The Citizens' Academy, which includes ride-alongs on Friday and Saturday midnight shifts, is
highly popular, with waiting lists for each session. This kind of exposure gives citizens a better
understanding of what law enforcement officers can and can't do. 

One of Chief Mangan's goals is to  structure the department so that interdependence and
partnership is so essential that we can't function without it.  It appears that the Spokane Police
Department is well on its way to meeting that goal.

By Ellen Painter, editor, Problem Solving Quarterly


Spokane Police Department Community Policing Resources
The information below outlines some of the programs that make community policing a reality in
Spokane.  The various programs creatively involve citizens, Spokane Police Department
employees and other city service agencies.  

Community Oriented Policing Programs for the Youth of Spokane
Drug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE)
Every 15 Minutes
Cops & Kids
School Safety Santa
Leadership, Education and Development Program (LEAD)
Smart Teens are Responsible & Sober (STARS)
PED-BEE Program
Safe Kid Identification Disc (SKID)
Cops Read Awesome Stories Here (CRASH)

Community Oriented Policing Programs for the Citizens of Spokane
Community Oriented Policing Substations
Neighborhood Resource Officer (NRO)
Neighborhood Investigative Resource Officer (NIRO)
The Parent's Coalition
The Spokane Bike Patrol Program
Runaway Poster Program
Block Watch
Knock & Nag
Neighborhood Observation Patrol (NOP)
Block Braggers
Open House Program
Citizens' Academy
Crime Prevention Center
Adult Probation and Parole Officers

For general information on Spokane Police Department's community policing programs call:
Chief Terry Mangan       
(509) 456-2256
or             
Dave Ingle
Administrative Services Director   
(509) 625-4053.

For specific information on the programs discussed in this article contact
COPY Kids  
Sergeant Gill Moberly
(509) 625-4087.

COPS Substations
Cheryl Steele
(509) 625-4092           

Research Evaluations
Andrew Giacomazzi
Community-Oriented Policing Project Coordinator
(509) 625-4452
or
Quint Thurman
Washington State University
(509) 456-3275






Article Seven
Getting From Point A to Point Z in Rural Minnesota

Dassel, Minn.
The citizens of Dassel have historically thought of their police department as "those cops."  As is
true with other traditional department/community relationships, interaction was  typically
negative and usually occurred during an arrest or a complaint session at a city council meeting. 
In August 1994, however, this all started to change when a new police chief was appointed. The
chief, along with city council members, had a vision that policing could be something more. 
That desire by community leaders was something the new police chief, Bill Paskey, grabbed onto
and ran with.

"Although we were starting from point A, there were some innovative and committed citizens
who saw through the traditional approaches and knew, or hoped anyway, that things could be
different in Dassel," said Chief Bill Paskey.  "I was the new kid on the block that helped them
realize their hopes could become reality.  It was a job to break those old paradigms."  For Paskey,
breaking paradigms meant facing challenges.

Moving a traditional department out of its comfortable chair, so to speak, required marketing the
community policing philosophy. The first strategy was educating key leaders.   Mayor Rod
Horman and the chief attended a workshop sponsored by the League of Minnesota Cities titled,
"Community and Police:  Sharing the Vision and Building Minnesota's Future."  "What we heard
helped validate what the new kid had been talking about," said Paskey.  "We were both deep in
thought as we were driving home from the conference," Paskey remembers, "when the mayor
turned to me and smiled and said, 'We can do that in Dassel!'  I knew we were on our way." 
With an advocate by his side, Paskey spent a lot of time having coffee with community leaders,
subtly introducing the new philosophy.

The next strategy during this period was rallying the troops   working with the officers to develop
a team approach and help them understand their changed role in the community.  Past policy
meant these officers spent nearly all of their time out on patrol.  "Suddenly I was asking them to
be proactive in the field, take on new responsibilities, attend meetings and represent the police
department in community events," explained Paskey.  "Not only was I asking them to change the
way they had done their jobs for many years, I was asking them to think differently.  But, Dassel
officers met the challenge.  Not only did they rise to the occasion,  they went a step further and
taught me about what it means to live in this area," said Paskey.

Citizens usually embrace the philosophy of community policing enthusiastically, and so far it
looks as though that's the case in Dassel.  Chief Paskey presented a proposal to the Dassel City
Council to initiate a citizen-police commission.  The proposal was well received, and was
instrumental in initiating new programming, communicating to citizens the role of police and 
recommending appropriate budget increases to support new endeavors.  

After several brainstorming sessions, members of the police department and the police
commission developed goals and objectives, based on community policing principles, to address
areas that needed improvement.  These areas included Department efficiency Calls handled and
cleared by the police department were estimated at only 33% of total calls received.
Community cooperation The slogan, "Forming a Partnership for Public Safety With the Citizens
of Dassel" was adopted as the new philosophy took hold.  
Community involvement The need to be more involved in the community was evident.  New
initiatives included a child print program, community education workshops, a crime watch
program, Operation ID, Students at Risk (STAR) program, firearms training, youth organization
sponsorship and a Dassel Police Reserve Program.

The city's need for additional resources to fund these new programs became evident.  It was then
that the police department and the city decided to apply for a COPS FAST grant.  "I think
everyone was a little shocked when we learned we were awarded a full grant," Paskey said. 
"We're a small community, and it was great recognition for us."  However, after the excitement
wore down, realization set in.

Along with the grant came some tough decisions.  "Accepting the grant meant commitment to
doing things differently," explains Paskey.  "The issues of increased costs for training and
equipment, liability and long term commitment were all looked at long and hard.  I held my
breath until the last city council vote was taken, not knowing if the grant would be accepted."

After marketing the philosophy and gaining support from the key individuals, it was time to put
it all to the test.  Once again, a hard case of lobbying by Chief Paskey convinced the Community
that the COPS FAST grant was the way to go.  The grant would be the vehicle through which a
true partnership could be formed between the citizens and the department.   Members from the
community, including those from the newly created police commission, the elementary school
principal, the Dassel Fire Department and numerous concerned citizens all showed up to voice
their support for the grant.  The council accepted the grant and confirmed their commitment to
community policing.  

On the journey to community policing, point Z is a long way off for the city of Dassel; however,
thanks to community commitment, a chief who is willing to stick his neck out, and the COPS
FAST grant, they have moved way past point A. 

By Bridget Paskey

For more information contact Chief Bill Paskey, Dassel Police Department, 460 Third St., N.,
Dassel, MI 55325. Phone: (612) 275-2827. 




Article Eight
Starting a Neighborhood Organization
Partnerships between law enforcement officers and community members are proving themselves
to be effective crime-fighting liaisons.  Information on how practitioners can assist citizens in
establishing grassroots organizations to build safer neighborhoods has been provided below.  

When starting a grassroots organization, like a block or neighborhood association, the people in
the community are given a chance to decide what needs to be done, and work together with law
enforcement to effectively fight crime. If you know of a building, block or neighborhood that
should be organized, look over the six steps explained below.  

1.Define the Issues
Some neighborhood groups are established as multi-purpose organizations, bringing residents
together around a variety of concerns.  Others begin as a response to a crisis a sudden increase in
drug sales or an outbreak of racial tensions, for example.  Whatever the reason, a spokesperson
should be identified to represent the people in the neighborhood.  It is essential that others living
in the area be consulted to find out what they think the important issues are and what should be
done.  Collecting information about the issues is a critical first step.

2.Research the Community
What is the size of the area to be organized one building, a single block or a full neighborhood? 
Make sure the size of the area is manageable for a new organization.

Take a walk and look at the neighborhood with a critical eye.  Where do people socialize?  

Which local merchants might be supportive?  What are the sore spots vacant lots, abandoned
buildings, drug-dealing points, dangerous street crossings?

3. Build a Core Group
Recruit a handful of people three or four are enough to help launch the organization.  A group
has more credibility than one individual, represents the community better and can share the work. 
Also, working in a group can be much safer than working alone.

4.Hold Core Group Meetings
When the core group meets, it should come up with ideas for projects to kick off the organizing
drive.  Simple activities like a block cleanup, a letter-writing campaign or a potluck fund raising
dinner are fairly easy to coordinate.  This will give the people who come to the first general
meeting a beginning list of projects to get involved in.  The first project should give the
organization higher visibility in the neighborhood.
     
Decide which churches, community newspapers, government offices and other neighborhood
institutions should know about your organization.  Start contacting these organizations after the
first general meeting.

5.Planning a General Meeting
Decide on a time, date and place that are convenient for people in the neighborhood to meet.  A
weekday evening or a weekend day generally works best.  Choose a location that is convenient
for everyone, such as a local church or library.

A good agenda for the first meeting should include the following steps:
a.Introductions
b.Discussion of problems and issues
c.Prioritizing issues
d.Structure of the organization
e.The next meeting

6.Reach Out to the Community
Getting the word out is crucial for a successful organization.  An easy way to do this is by
printing flyers with the time, date, place and purpose of the first general meeting.  The flyers can
be posted on public bulletin boards or can be delivered door-to door in the targeted
neighborhood.  Remember to ask residents about their concerns and suggestions.


For more detailed information on how to start a neighborhood organization, write to the
Neighborhood Anti-Crime Center, Three  W. 29 St., New York, NY 10001.  Phone: (212) 989-
0909.


Other resources for starting neighborhood organizations are:
Join Together
441 Stuart Street
6th Floor
Boston, MA 02116
(617) 437-1500

Community Anti-Drug Coalitions of America  (CADCA)
701 North Fairfax Street
Alexandria, VA 22314-2046
(703) 706-0560
  


          

Article Nine
Learning While Doing: 
Research and Evaluation to Support Community Policing 

Washington, D.C.
Innovation in the form of community policing and in other ways is one of the hallmarks of the
1994 Crime Act. Accountability is another, and it simply means that citizens receive assurance
their tax dollars are being spent wisely. Evaluative research is the key to providing this
assurance. 

In framing the Act, Congress recognized the challenge of learning while doing: As the
innovations funded by the Act are carried out in departments nationwide, Congress called for
evaluations to measure whether they work (or don't work). The National Institute of Justice will
be conducting program evaluations of the major areas of innovation under the Act, and
community policing is a principal area of the Institute's focus. 

As a first step in carrying out the mandate to evaluate the community policing programs (42 U.
S. C.  3796dd-4(b)), NIJ will soon issue a solicitation that will request proposals to conduct
these studies as well as to undertake research. Input from the research and practitioner
communities has been valuable in preparing the solicitation. 

Shaping the Research/Evaluation Agenda 
NIJ is well-positioned to sponsor the evaluation and research studies, because it laid some of the
groundwork for the development of community policing in earlier research. NIJ also built up a
strong track record more recently, supporting several initiatives to develop and test various
aspects of community policing, some with promising results. And currently, several studies are
under way, one of them an evaluation of community policing in Chicago. 

Overall Areas of Investigation 
The proposed evaluations will be geared to several broad areas: progress and problems in
implementing Title I, the activities of officers hired with Crime Act funds, and strategies that
move departments toward community policing. Other topics include the programs, projects, and
other activities whose aim is to promote citizen interaction, train officers, develop technologies,
and control crime proactively. In addition, because the police profession does not have effective
systems for bringing to light innovative ways to implement community policing and
problem-solving, NIJ will support studies of how these innovations can be "surfaced" more
efficiently. 

Much research in the basic functions and goals of the police does not encompass recent changes
in policing in America, and does not draw on the experiences of small and rural departments and
specialized police agencies. NIJ will ask for studies to fill these gaps. Because the shift to
community policing involves transformations in management and administration, information is
needed about the these issues, which arise when a department decides to adopt community
policing. NIJ will support research that looks at such areas as leadership techniques, supervisory
functions, recruitment, the role of the unions, and performance management. 

Since police-citizen interaction is an integral part of community policing, we need to know about
the ability of communities to organize themselves to work with law enforcement and how this
changes (or doesn't change) when police actively seek community involvement.
Police-community cooperation aims to address crime and disorder, and suggests the need for
studies of the strategies, tactics, and programs used to that end. NIJ will sponsor evaluations in
these areas, as well as research that can produce practical information about crime and disorder
problems that police commonly deal with.


Fostering Locally Initiated Research and Evaluation 
There is an ongoing need to strengthen the relationship between police professionals and the
research community. Police executives are likely to need the help of research in defining
problems, designing solutions, assessing effects, and formulating policy and practice. NIJ will
support collaboration of police with researchers by sponsoring research at the local level that can
identify community policing innovations and assess their effects. 

Anticipated Publication
The solicitation itself will contain many more details about these study areas as well as others
slated for evaluation. Proposals will be considered for research and evaluations on related topics
in the broad areas of police programs, tactics, and strategies reflected in the purposes of the
Crime Act. The anticipated publication date of the solicitation is early May.

Federal support by way of the Crime Act comes at a time when many communities have already
launched or are about to launch community policing. But despite widespread adoption of the
approach, more systematic assessment of specific strategies is clearly needed. The studies that
will be conducted in response to the solicitation can help meet that need. When policymakers and
practitioners are considering adopting a strategy or program in support of community policing,
they are more likely to do so if they can see real evidence of effectiveness. The overall product
will be a deeper, more sophisticated understanding of the state of policing in America, and a
knowledge base of practical information that can be put to work by police officers and leaders to
make communities safer.

By Jeremy Travis, director, National Institute of Justice




Article Ten
At Home on the Beat

Alexandria, Va.
She not only works her beat, she lives in it.  For the past year-and-a-half, Officer Terri
Mucci-Rector, a seven-year veteran with the Alexandria, Va., Police Department, has
participated in the Residential Police Officer (RPO) Program.  As part of its program, Alexandria
P.D. offers rent-free housing to officers who live in troubled neighborhoods.  The city has made
four homes available for this program.  Mucci (as she is referred to by residents in her mostly
Latino neighborhood) is responsible for a beat in Arlandria, a suburb of Alexandria.  To
overcome the language barrier,  the department sent Mucci to Berlitz for a crash course in
Spanish. Now, nearly two years later, while she doesn't claim to be fluent, she communicates
effectively with her neighbors.  

"A lot of people think there are just tons of benefits to being a resident officer.  And I'm not
saying there aren't. But one misconception is that people think I have all this free time to just
hang out at my house.  To tell the truth, there's a lot more opportunity to hang out when you're
just sitting around waiting for calls."  

Now that Mucci's a resident officer, she walks her beat.  "Only when it's really cold do I drive. 
It's just a lot easier to interact with people when you're on foot."  The interaction, however, came
only after trust was established.  Arlandria is a community ridden with broken families.  "The
thing that probably worked most to my advantage," remarked Officer Mucci, "is that I'm a single
mom.  My neighbors could relate to me."  Once residents saw that she struggled right along with
them, it didn't take long to gain their confidence.  "They see me here everyday," said Mucci, 
"and they know I'm not going anywhere."  

Before she moved to Arlandria, the department conducted a needs assessment.  "The needs were
pretty obvious though," said Mucci.  Alandria's problems consist mainly of nuisance activity,
alcohol-related problems, and some gang and drug activity.  "The first thing I noticed when I
moved here was the incredible amount of trash covering the streets -- it was just everywhere. 
The second thing I noticed was the absence of trash containers. There just weren't any to be
found."  Not surprisingly, Mucci's first undertaking was to contact the city's transportation and
environmental services office. Once cans had been put in place Mucci began picking up the trash. 
"It's a matter of education.  Most of these people didn't realize that they shouldn't be throwing
stuff on the ground."  So Mucci picks up trash, residents watch her, and then they pick up trash. 
That's how it works in Arlandria.  

The biggest part of her job, Mucci says, "is teaching people how to help themselves."  She feels
that one of her most significant contributions was establishing a local business association. 
"Business owners had all kinds of complaints -- trash, graffiti, cross walks, traffic lights -- but
they just didn't know how to get things done."  So Mucci helped them form an association where
their voices would be heard.  Then she introduced them to the agencies that could help the
owners get their problems resolved.

Mucci claims that the most difficult part about being a resident officer is the sense of duty that
comes with it. "You feel like you have to be there all of the time - there's a constant sense of
responsibility and you never get away from it," replied Mucci.  Officers who live and work the
same beat have to find ways to retain some privacy.  "At first my neighbors would come
knocking on my door at all hours with any little problem," said Mucci. "Now they know they can
come -- but it had better be an emergency to get me out of bed in the middle of the night.  I
taught them how to call the police for those other situations."    

Being a residential officer is not all about modeling responsible behavior and facilitating
individual and collective empowerment.  According to Mucci, many days are spent defusing
gang activity and drug buys. "There's a handful of  people here who don't like me -- the bad
element-- but the community in general is very supportive of my being here."  One day Mucci
said she was arresting a guy for trespassing.  "He had a real bad attitude and told me I'd better get
some backup.  Knowing that I had already called my department, I said 'its on its way.'  A couple
of minutes later I turned around and there were about ten citizens standing behind me ready to
jump in if  I needed them.  I turned back to the guy that I was arresting and said 'see buddy,
there's my backup.'"
When asked what she's going to do when her tour of duty as a resident officer is up, Mucci
replied, "Up?, I'm just getting started.  I just bought a house in this same neighborhood, right
around the corner from where I live now.  Like I told my people here, I'm not going anywhere."

For more information contact  Lieutenant Earl Walts or  Sergeant Guy Bishop, Alexandria Police
Department, 2003 Mill Road, Alexandria, VA 22314.  Phone: (703) 838-4744.

For more information about other resident officer programs call:
Elgin Police Department
150 Dexter Court
Elgin, IL 60120-5555
Resident Officer Program of Elgin (ROPE)
Date Began:  1990
Contact:  Deputy Jim Burns
(708) 931-6004                

or 

City of Columbia Police Department
and Community Development Department    
P.O. Box 147
Columbia, SC  29217
Police Homeowner Loan Program
Date Began:  June 1990
Contact:  Eric Cassell
(803) 733-8459.                    



     


Article Eleven
Officers Make Their Moves

Atlantic City, N.J. 
It is well known that increased police presence reduces fear of crime and heightens feelings of
safety and security.  Police officer residency programs, such as those in Columbia,S. C., Elgin,
Ill., and Alexandria, Va., are one way departments have increased the visibility of their officers. 
"Some cities don't give officers a choice about living outside city limits," says Chief Nicholas
Riffice of the Atlantic City Police Department.  "Others without this mandate seek mutually
beneficial ways to get officers living in the more troubled areas of a city, even if for only short
periods of time."  According to community policing theory, an enduring, committed and
involved police presence not only boosts feelings of security and reduces fear of crime among
citizens, but actually leads to reductions and solutions to crime.

Forming a partnership
Aware of the positive outcomes associated with officer residency programs, Atlantic City
officials decided to put community policing theory into practice.  Community leaders knew they
had a commodity present in only a couple of cities in America the Casino Reinvestment
Development Authority (CRDA).  CRDA, established largely to reinvest a portion of casino
gaming revenues back into the city, was seen as the mechanism for revitalizing distressed urban
areas in Atlantic City and promoting its economic development. Joining forces to create this
brighter, safer community were the Atlantic City P.D., the Police Foundation and CRDA.  The
partners were convinced that their goal of motivating officers to live within city limits was
indeed their best bet of achieving revitalization. 

The program
 Not to be confused with the "1-2-3 strikes and you're out" program popularized by the Clinton
administration to help reduce crime,  Atlantic City partners conceived their own version known
as the "3-2-1 percent and you're in" opportunity.   In this program Atlantic City law enforcement
officers are offered a choice of loans with three, two or one percent mortgages and corresponding
loan points and application fees.  What's the program's biggest selling point?  Depending on the
area of the city the officer selects to purchase a home, he or she can receive forgiveness on a
30-year loan after as few as 15 years. 

Does everyone get a house?
Although the program is much more user friendly than the typical home purchase process, there
are still eligibility requirements.  Perhaps the toughest cut to make is the condition that the
officer have a history of demonstrated community involvement and conversely, a lack of serious
disciplinary offenses.  "Community-spirited" officers who will facilitate neighborhood
stabilization are highly desired. Why is being community-minded so important?  Part of this
program's requirements are to have officers perform a variety of community policing functions,
such as meeting their new neighbors, participating in community meetings, and conducting
regular neighborhood surveys   all done off-duty.  To be eligible officers also have to meet the
specified financial criteria, but because of the almost non-existent interest rates and closing costs,
qualifying here is much easier.   Chief Riffice told the Atlantic City Press that "3-2-1" is an
extension of the department's community policing operations which have been highly successful
in fighting crime in some of the city's most afflicted areas.

Are officers restricted to where they can buy?
The program allows officers to choose among any of seven residential areas covering the city,
not just the low-income, high-crime areas.  But because there are a limited number of loans
provided for each geographic region, it's best to shop early.  The program's creators believe that
increased police presence and involvement throughout the city will be advantageous.  That not
withstanding, the program offers the greatest incentives to those officers who choose to live in
the areas with the greatest distress.  Program participants have a variety of options before them. 
They can purchase an existing home, build a new one, rehabilitate one that's uninhabitable, or if
within city limits, make improvements to one they already own.


Does this program differ from others?
Most residency programs, like the ones mentioned earlier, use homes that are owned by the city
or the government.  In those cases, an officer would simply sign up for, say, a one year tour of
duty, and then move out at the end of their contract.  Reports indicate that these programs have
been successful in effecting an immediate change in seriously distressed areas even though
officer participation is for a relatively short period of time.  Atlantic City partners, however,
developed their program with longer-term goals in mind.  They felt that those who own are more
likely to have a vested interest in their community.  Home mortgages not only increase the
likelihood of an officer staying longer, but also encourage individual initiative to stabilize and
empower neighborhoods.

Modelling community partnerships
The 3-2-1 program demonstrates how community leaders can come together and accomplish
great things for their respective cities.  Not only was each partner in this multi-agency effort
instrumental in the planning phase, each also assumed responsibility in a functional area. 
Through commitment and compromise the partners in 3-2-1 saw their vision evolve from idea to
reality. 

Moving in
The Atlantic City 3-2-1 partnership was designed to make certain that police officers become an
integral part of their neighborhoods and facilitate a constructive, supportive presence.  Hopefully,
that presence will be felt this summer, when, according to police spokesman Sergeant Ernest
Jubilee, the first police residents under the 3-2-1 program will be moving into their new homes. 
Does the 3-2-1 program have good odds for success or is it a gamble for this betting city?  A
concerted effort was made to involve the entire community in program development.  The
partners believe that if not a sure thing, the 3-2-1 program is a safe bet and certainly one well
worth taking.                           


By Karen L. Amendola, project director

For more information contact Chief Nicholas Riffice, Atlantic City Police Department,
Sovereign and Fairmont Ave., Atlantic City, NJ 08401.  Phone: (609) 347-5252.




Article Twelve
Sheriff's Office Takes on Challenge
The question "What is the greatest challenge you and your department have faced and solved in
the area of community relations?" was posed to readers in the March/April 1995 issue of
Exchange. The following article describes one department's response. 

Convent, La.
After winning the election for sheriff in 1991, Willy Martin Jr. of the St. James Parish Sheriff's
Office in Convent, La., and his staff, sought and received a $159,000 Federal Public Housing
Drug Elimination Program grant.  The funding allowed for the implementation of a  program that
resulted in marked decreases in crime rates in the public housing complexes and surrounding
neighborhoods of St. James Parish.

The program works by combining the power of increased police protection with the formation of
resident councils.  There are six deputies assigned to each of the six public housing complexes in
St. James Parish.  To maximize impact, deputies established offices at the apartment houses with
the intent of getting to know residents on a first-name basis, and serving as role models to the
children.  Routine rounds for the deputies include patrolling complexes around the clock;
checking for proper identification on vehicles; investigating crime activities, tenant occupancy
and potential problems;  as well as conducting surveillance for drug-related activity.  

In return, the residents cooperate with deputies to curb crime and vandalism.  Part of this
cooperative effort includes tenant resident councils established to focus on root causes of crime
such as poor lighting, broken fences, litter and unsupervised children.  The deputies,  by
modeling positive behavior, in turn motivated tenants to maintain a safer, cleaner living
environment.  "We all know if we can get the tenant to take an active part in cleaning up their
living conditions and making it safer to raise their families, our jobs will also be made safer and
easier," said Deputy Roy Zeringue, sheriff's office program coordinator.  "This is the reason why
we encourage tenant participation and have worked hard to get to know each of the tenants
personally, especially the children.  We want to let them know that we are there to help."  

Residents of public housing in St. James Parish have regained confidence in local law
enforcement.  They have also become more actively involved in assisting officers to rid
neighboring areas of drug traffic.  As a result, documented crime complaints are down 45 percent
at the complexes.  With an increased sense of safety, tenants are enjoying more time outdoors.  

"When you build that trust with people, it helps you solve crimes," Sheriff Martin said.  "We
bend over backwards to try and resolve issues...without it becoming escalated or having to arrest
people."  

The St. James Parish Sheriff's Office faced their challenge and consequently helped to create a
more humane, hospitable environment for public housing tenants.  These citizens now have a
voice; they have integrity and they have a better life.  Although these byproducts can't be
quantified on paper or demonstrated through statistics, they remain as the signature of service of
six deputies from the neighborhood  sheriff's office.

Submitted by Deputy Roy Zeringue, St. James Parish Sheriff's Office, P.O. Box 83, Convent, LA
70723.  Phone: (504) 562-2200. Fax: (504) 562-2380.





Article Thirteen
Community Policing: A Philosophy, Not A Program

Staten Island, N.Y.
Of  the variety of concepts in police science,  community policing is perhaps the oldest, most
controversial and least understood.  Community policing in its best sense is a philosophy and not
just a program.  It is a philosophy of police and community cooperating with one another to
ascertain the problems and needs of a community, and working in harmony to address those
needs.  It is a pervasive tone within a department, beginning with the chief executive and going
down to the lowest ranks, both uniformed and plainclothes.  In order for the philosophy to work,
there must be total immersion of management and rank-and-files; there must be total
commitment.  An agency cannot compartmentalize a community policing program. That model
is doomed to failure because of its internal divisiveness and lack of career path for the officers
involved. 

If police agencies are to successfully address the reality and the perception of crime, they must
focus on identifying public needs and perceptions in the divergent communities that  they serve. 
Police can use public surveys, community councils, town meetings, etc, to identify those needs
and perceptions.  Community "think-tanks" consisting of department and community leaders is
one model for identifying needs and perceptions.  Another is the community task force approach,
utilizing other enforcement and regulatory agencies.  Forming corporate and private-sector
partnerships to provide service, training, funding, and jobs to address specific community needs
may help address seemingly unsurmountable fiscal and neighborhood deterioration problems. 

The philosophic approach to community policing encourages, aids and abets community
cooperation.  It means motivating citizens to participate in auxiliary police activities, block
watching, police-support volunteer units, community crisis-intervention teams, quality-of-life
action groups, neighborhood councils and town meetings.  And all of this cannot be the work of
one or two officers dedicated to "community affairs."  It must be the work of an entire
department and each of its subdivisions.  

The police budget really isn't the most important piece of a successful community policing effort. 
The most important ingredients are effort and willingness to go the extra mile.  It's getting bosses
as well as the foot soldiers and civilian support personnel to think "community partnership" and
to feel that "we're all in this together."  Fostering esprit-de-corps within the department and
within the community at large is a matter of leadership.  There is little room for cynicism. 
Critics who say that the philosophy of community policing takes away from the enforcement role
of the police officer and makes him or her a "social worker" fail to perceive its underlying
effectiveness.  The true practice of community policing may well save a cop's life.  It may well
provide solutions that change a community, once written off as too dangerous to patrol, into a
productive, safe neighborhood.  It may well provide information previously not available on
perpetrators of crime, gang members and drug dealers.  And it may well change the quality of life
for both the police practitioner and the public.  One need not be a social worker, but one should
be aware of the social and economic dimensions of crime.  This awareness should become part of
the officer's consciousness as he or she deals with the public daily, and tries to bring new hope to
a community.  The police officer who rightly understands his or her role in relation to the
community in which they serve will recognize that the dignity of all members of the community
is important, and that respect from the community can only be earned when one exhibits fairness
and understanding. 

Over the past three decades, we have seen a marked change in the dynamics of street law
enforcement.  These nuances have been driven by changes in demographics and institutional
structures, and by the force of law.  American society, with its variety of cultural, religious,
ethnic and racial groups, is a phenomenon unequalled anywhere on this planet.  This diversity
makes our nation strong; yet, ironically, it can also divide us.  We are all in a learning curve
about understanding and accepting one another.  This is what the philosophy of community
policing is all about.  It is understanding, helping and supporting one another to build
communities and programs that will enhance the quality of life for citizens and  officers.  This
philosophy and methodology does not make one any less a "cop."  But it does provide new ways
to be more effective as a law enforcement professional.  It does provide training to defuse
neighborhood situations before they become crises.  And it does make for a breed of officer who
can serve as role models for youth.

Some departments still shy away from a community policing model or from total immersion in
its philosophy.  A successful model will first assess the community to be served by analyzing
demographics and neighborhood composition.  It will analyze the socioeconomic and political
conditions of the community, identifying the incidence and perception of crime, "flash-points" of
community unrest, community leaders and community service agencies.  It would further assess
the department's capability to serve the diverse needs of the community.  If one is satisfied with
those preliminary and important considerations, and has addressed any short-fall, then the work
begins. The next steps include identifying missions and goals, training personnel,  reaching out to
the community, analyzing budget and resources, targeting neighborhoods for concentration,
mobilizing the "grass-roots" forces of the community and establishing community participation. 
Once in place, the department should evaluate the model every six to twelve months for
effectiveness.  Indications of success include a  decrease in the incidence of crime, improved
cooperation with police, improved quality of life and, of course, an improved community image
of the police.  But no model is absolute or permanently structured.  Each model will change as a
particular community's needs change.  That's the essence of community policing it's a living,
breathing, changing phenomenon.  

I am convinced that the community policing model is the most effective method of delivering
police services efficiently, cost-effectively and humanely.  I am also convinced that if we are to
create greater harmony and understanding in our society and defuse the ugliness brought on by
frustration, hate and ignorance, the philosophy of community policing is a step in that direction. 
However, it can only be effective if the philosophy pervades the department and if the cynics and
nay-sayers give it an opportunity to blossom.    

By John R. Gentile

For more information contact John R. Gentile, Dean of Faculty of the American Law
Enforcement and Security Institute, P.O. Box 140459, Staten Island, NY 10314.  Phone: (718)
876-0944.




Article Fourteen
Giving Voice
Interviews Conducted Across Ranks


Q1.What were the biggest obstacles you encountered while implementing community policing?
A1.Chief Thomas Sexton, Mount Pleasant Police Department, Mount Pleasant, S.C.
We adopted community policing in January 1992.  At that point, it was difficult to find other
like-minded agencies to network with.  We were fortunate to be able to work with Newport
News, Va., and ended up sending most of our command officers to them for community policing
training.  The biggest obstacle that remains for us, and this may be unique to South Carolina, is
that we have to send our line officers to a centralized academy for basic training, and
unfortunately, this academy doesn't teach community policing.  As a result, when our officers
return to Mount Pleasant, we have to train them ourselves.  This has proved, and continues to
prove, to be quite a task for a small agency like ours, with only 71 sworn officers.


A1.Captain Randy Ely, Fort Worth Police Department, Fort Worth, Tex.
We started decentralizing and changing our philosophy in 1985 but at that point our movement
was not tagged as community policing.  And because this was such a gradual change, we really
didn't encounter any major obstacles.  However, in 1991, when we officially implemented
community policing    that's when we started seeing obstacles. One problem we encountered
centered around training for community policing officers.  It was difficult to construct job
descriptions, position titles and  training curricula given that the nature of these positions
changed as the community's needs changed.  In addition, we quickly found that traditional 
evaluation procedures could not adequately measure what these community policing officers
were doing.  Perhaps because we didn't anticipate the success of this program, we weren't
adequately prepared to handle all of these components.

Another barrier for us was the skepticism within our own department toward community
policing as a whole.  Line officers were particularly tough to convince.  One could frequently
overhear a line officer refer to this program as a "flavor of the month police program."  It was a
general feeling among officers that those involved in community policing were only serving to
enhance public relations and clearly weren't doing "real" police work.  It's funny how things 
change though some of our biggest critics back then, are the program's most ardent supporters
now.

A1. Officer Cindy Brady, San Diego Police Department, San Diego, Calif.
In our department, supervisors for the most part don't support community policing, at least not at
the same level as line officers.  I think it's because they don't have the successes the officers have. 
They basically just have traditional policing experience, so it's hard for them to get excited. 
Personally, I like my supervisor, but then again, I was smart enough to seek out a good one.  The
new supervisor's coming out are wonderful but that's because they've had [community policing]
training.  

Managers don't like change, especially when officers get to have more fun.  It's a lot of
responsibility for them now that we can go outside of our department and work with other
agencies and organizations.  Basically, supervisors are accountable for our actions, so you can
imagine what the trust factor is like.  

The way it works now is that we receive training, and then we go and implement what we've
learned.  The drawback is that we have to then go back and play catch up with our supervisors;
informing them of the concepts we've learned and the things we've tried.

I think the solution to this obstacle is simply time.  Once supervisors see that the [community
policing] concept is being supported, and that it's not going to go away,  then, I think, supervisors
will be more supportive.  
     
Q2.What, strategies, if any, can you identify that work better from a community policing
approach as opposed to the traditional method?

A2.Chief Thomas Sexton
The initial planning that needs to be done for community policing to be successful is missing
from a lot of agencies particularly when it comes to seeking community input.  We need to ask
community members what their problems are, rather than us just assuming we know their
problems.
     
A2.Captain Randy Ely
A specific example would be how our department formerly handled narcotics complaints.  A few
years ago, when a citizen complaint came in, the call would be routed to a centralized narcotic
division.  This division received in the neighborhood of 20-30 complaint calls a day.  Under the
old system, it could take up to 20 days before the department could respond to a complaint. It's
little wonder that citizens felt their complaints were not being addressed in a timely manner.
Employing a strategy from the community policing model, the department decided to try out a
new plan of action.  A decision was made to cross-train our radio patrol "beat" officers to not
only write up narcotics warrants, but to do the actual non-fortified entries formerly done only by
SWAT teams and narcotics officers.  This system made it possible to act on a citizen complaint
much more rapidly.    Now when a complaint is registered, the information is acted on the same
day that it is received, with the end goal being to resolve a complaint on a crack house within that
same week.  So, as citizens have seen these fast responses, they've come to gain more confidence
in the police.  

A2.Officer Cindy Brady
Traditional policing  is basically scanning-response, scanning-response.  It doesn't include any
analysis or assessment, so there's really no opportunity for officers to solve problems, just
respond to them.

But now, with community policing, we can put the "As" [for analysis and assessment] in the
equation.  Doing assessment makes all the difference in the world.  For example, let's say I get a
call for noise disturbance from an elderly resident in an apartment building.  She calls time and
time again.  Maybe she's just particularly sensitive to noise and maybe the people above her are
just heavy walkers.  Under a traditional approach, all I can do is keep going back and talking to
the people involved.  But with community policing, I can do the analysis portion of it.  For
instance, no matter what time it is, I can always write a note and leave it for the apartment
manager.  I can say 'I've been here five times, here's a description of the problem and I
recommend that you relocate one of these tenants.'  With the landlord's cooperation, boom, the
problem is solved, and everyone is happy.

Q3.What do you think the advantages or drawbacks are in having a flattened structure whereby
the line officer is given more leeway to handle his or her responsibilities as he or she deems
appropriate?

A3.Chief Thomas Sexton
First, and foremost, is that when you move decision making down to the lowest possible level, it
provides officers with a sense of ownership in the organization.  

Second, is it gives officers more control over their own destinies.  Let me explain that. Under
traditional practices, we tend to treat officers as if they are robots.  In my view, we make them
into nothing more than report makers.  In a flat organizational structure, that allows decisions to
be made by the lower ranks, you're appealing to the talents and abilities of officers. This
approach gives the officers the opportunity to develop their potential.  Our tasks as chiefs,
managers, or command officers, are not to appeal to what officers are, but to what they might
become.  The flattened structure allows that to happen.

A3.Captain Randy Ely
Persons at the level of execution generally have the most amount of knowledge about a particular
problem, and are therefore, armed with the best solutions for neighborhood problems.  The
structure should support being able to do things for the neighborhood faster, easier and better. 
Another byproduct of a flattened structure is it brings an action person to the resident; they've got
a name to put with a face, and they know they can count on that person to get things done.

The flip side from the administrator's point of view   is you have to have a tremendous amount of
trust in your officers.  You also have to know that there are going to be some mistakes made
along the way.  What's important is to have a safety net there to catch the officer when he falls,
and to remember not to chop his head off when he makes a mistake. Rest assured that when you
empower employees to be problem solvers at the line level, well intentioned mistakes will occur. 
However, the positive things that are generated by this empowerment will more than offset these
errors.

A3.Officer Cindy Brady
One of the definite advantages is job satisfaction for the officer.  Finally, officers have an
opportunity to resolve problems instead of just being servants to the radio instead of  just
responding to calls.  With community policing we can get things done.

Another really good thing about community policing is that we have the freedom to utilize the
community's talent.  There are a lot of projects that come across our desks that require time or
skills that officers here just don't have.  But now, we have volunteers that come in and help us
run computer programs or teach us Robert's Rules of Order so that we know how to control and
direct meetings.  With the community policing concept we can go to the outside and request
help.  

The leeway in this type of structure helps us tremendously.  We're free to think and be
innovative.  If we have an idea on how to resolve a problem, but are told we can't do it one way
because of the legalities, we're free to try other options until the bases are covered and we get a
yes. 



Resources:
Community Policing Publications

The publications listed below are published by the U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice
Programs' Agencies and are available from the National Criminal Justice Reference Service.  For
copies and further information call toll free (800) 688-4252 or send your request by mail to
NCJRS, P.O. Box 6000, Rockville, MD 20859-6000.

Community Policing and the Police Officer, 139164 (1993)
Community Policing in Madison:  Quality from the Inside Out, 144390 (1993)
Community Policing:  A Practical Guide for Police Officials, 118001 (1989)
Corporate Strategies for Policing, 114215 (1988)
Crime and Policing, 111460 (1988)
Evolving Strategy of Policing, 114213 (1988)
Implementing Community Policing: The Administrative Problem, 141236 (1993)
The New Policing:  Confronting Complexity, 145157 (1993)
Rural Crime and Rural Policing, 150223 (1994)
Case Studies of Community Anti-Drug Efforts, 149316 (1994)
Neighborhood-Oriented Policing in Rural Communities, 143709 (1994)
Problem-Oriented Drug Enforcement:  A Community-Based Approach for Effective Policing,
143710 (1993)
Understanding Community Policing:  A Framework for Action, 148457 (1994)
A Police Guide to Surveying Citizens and Their Environment, 143711 (1993)
Business Alliance:  Planning for Business and Community Partnerships, 148657 (1994)
Working as Partners with Community Groups, 148458 (1994)
Partnerships to Prevent Youth Violence, 148459 (1994)
Policing and Communities, 109955 (1988)
Improving the Use and Effectiveness of Neighborhood Watch Programs, 108618 (1988)
Community Policing in Seattle, 136608 (1992)
Implementing Community Policing, 114217 (1988)
Neighborhoods and Police: The Maintenance of Civil Authority,  115950 (1989)




End of May/June 1995 Issue