CRIME HAS INCREASINGLY BECOME ONE OF THE MAJOR NATIONAL POLITICAL ISSUES, AS EVIDENCED BY THE ESTABLISHMENT OF FEDERAL CRIME COMMISSIONS DURING THE 1960'S AND THE 'LAW AND ORDER' PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1968. YET HISTORIANS AND STUDENTS OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE HAVE IGNORED THE HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT'S RESPONSE TO CRIME. IN THIS STUDY AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO PLACE CRIME IN A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE BY INVESTIGATING THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL INFLUENCES THAT SHAPED THE NEW DEAL'S ANTICRIME PROGRAM. THIS PERIOD WAS SELECTED BECAUSE THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT'S ROLE IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE WAS EXPANDED SIGNIFICANTLY DURING THE 1930'S IN RESPONSE TO PERCEIVED AND ACTUAL INCREASES IN THE LEVEL OF GENERAL CRIME AND COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE. THE PAPER SUGGESTS THAT THE NEW DEAL'S RESPONSE TO CRIME WAS AMBIVALENT: AT TIMES IT SHOWED STRONG REACTIONARY THREADS; AT OTHER TIMES IT WAS VISIONARY AND PROGRESSIVE. THE NEW DEAL'S ACTIVITY IN RESPONSE TO GENERAL CRIME WAS SUBSTANTIALLY DIFFERENT FROM ITS RESPONSE TO COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE. THE RESPONSE TO GENERAL CRIME WAS LEGAL IN NATURE AND LIMITED IN OBJECTIVE, AS REFLECTED IN THE 'CROOK CATCHING' LEGISLATION OF 1934. THE RESPONSE TO COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE WAS, IN CONTRAST, POLITICAL RATHER THAN LEGAL AND MUCH BROADER IN SCOPE. THIS FACT WAS REFLECTED IN THE EMPHASIS ON AMELIORATION AND COMPROMISE RATHER THAN ON FORCE AND SUPPRESSION. THE DISTINGUISHING FEATURE BETWEEN THE TWO RESPONSES WAS THAT THE IDENTIFIABLE STRONG POLITICAL GROUPS WERE INVOLVED IN THE COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE AND WERE ABLE TO RAISE THE ISSUE TO A NATIONAL LEVEL OF POLITICAL CONFRONTATION. THE GENERAL CRIME PROBLEM, LACKING THIS INVOLVEMENT OF STRONG POLITICAL GROUPS, NEVER REACHED THE LEVEL OF A NATIONAL ISSUE. FOOTNOTES AND A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ARE INCLUDED IN THE THESIS. (AUTHOR ABSTRACT MODIFIED).